A Case for Relation: Mapping Afro-Latinx Caribbean and Equatoguinean Poetics

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yomaira C. Figueroa

This essay contends that Caribbean conceptualizations of relation, understood through the theorizing and political organizing of women of color feminists, offer decolonial possibilities that enable radical remappings of the Afro-Atlantic. The essay argues that the political and intellectual contributions of theories of relationality and decolonial feminisms by women of color should be understood as theoretical and methodological tools for approaching some of the most peripheralized Afro-diasporic works. To that end, it examines the histories and the interconnected literary imaginaries that exist across the Afro-Latinx Caribbean (Puerto Rico, Cuba, the Dominican Republic), Equatorial Guinea (the only Spanish-speaking nation-state in Sub-Saharan Africa), and their diasporic cultural productions in the United States and Spain. The essay ultimately argues that women of color and decolonial feminist discourses and ethics help us understand literary and cultural productions as insurgent practices that are central to tracking and reformulating notions of decoloniality and Afro-diasporic studies.

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 659-666
Author(s):  
Shingirai Stanely Mugambiwa

This paper provides a synopsis of the critical debates in environmental sociology vis-à-vis climate governance and evokes the intersections of environmental justice, equality and the nation state. The nation state, which in this study refers to the government of the day is regarded as an important factor in determining the state of environmental justice and equality. This is because the government has the mandate to formulate and implement policies such as environmental policy. Issues of injustice and inequality are clearly spelt out in the discipline of sociology which provide insights on ways through which humans in societies respond to environmental crises. The paper places considerable emphasis on the political economy of environmental sociology which lies on the effects of modernity and capitalism in relation to socio-ecological well-being of communities. This is significantly linked to Karl Marx’s contribution on class struggles over the means of production which favours the bourgeoisie who are responsible for the greater ecological damage.


Author(s):  
Paul Chaisty ◽  
Nic Cheeseman ◽  
Timothy J. Power

This chapter introduces the three regions—sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, and the Former Soviet Union—and the nine countries—Armenia, Benin, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Kenya, Malawi, Russia, and Ukraine—that provide the empirical material for the book. It introduces the two criteria used for case selection: 1) democratic competitiveness; 2) de jure and de facto constitutional provisions that empower presidents to be coalitional formateurs. It also introduces a variable that measures the salience of cross-party cooperation: the Index of Coalitional Necessity. Finally, it sketches the political landscape that has shaped the dynamics of coalitional presidentialism within each region, and it draws attention to important contextual differences between the nine country cases.


2018 ◽  
Vol 92 ◽  
pp. S155 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Grover ◽  
M. Narasimhamurthy ◽  
R. Bhatia ◽  
C. Benn ◽  
K. Fearnhead ◽  
...  

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danilo T Perez-Rivera ◽  
Christopher Torres Lugo ◽  
Alexis R Santos-Lozada

Between July 13-24, 2019 the people of Puerto Rico took the streets after a series of corruption scandals shocked the political establishment. The social uprising resulted in the ousting of the Governor of Puerto Rico (Dr. Ricardo Rosselló, Ricky), the resignation of the majority of his staff something unprecedented in the history of Puerto Rico; this period has been called El Verano del 19 (Summer of 19). Social media played a crucial role in both the organization and dissemination of the protests, marches, and other activities that occurred within this period. Puerto Ricans in the island and around the world engaged in this social movement through the digital revolution mainly under the hashtag #RickyRenuncia (Ricky Resign), with a small counter movement under the hashtag #RickySeQueda (Ricky will stay). The purpose of this study is to illustrate the magnitude and grass roots nature of the political movement’s social media presence, as well as their characteristics of the population of both movements and their structures. We found that #RickyRenuncia was used approximately one million times in the period of analysis while #RickySeQueda barely reached 6,000 tweets. Particularly, the pervasiveness of cliques in the #RickySeQueda show concentrations of authority dedicated to its propagation, whilst the #RickyRenuncia propagation was much more distributed and decentralized with little to no interaction between significant nodes of authority. Noteworthy was the role of the Puerto Rican diaspora in the United States of America and around the world, contributing close to 40% of all geo-located tweets. Finally, we found that the Twitter followers of the former governor had indicators of being composed of two distinct populations: 1) those active in social media and 2) those who follow the account but who are not active participants of the social network. We discuss the implications of these findings on the interpretation of emergence, structure and dissemination of social activism and countermovement to these activities in the context of Puerto Rico.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 98 (4) ◽  
pp. 796-796
Author(s):  
Samuel L. Katz

Drs Terry and Schneider raise legitimate questions regarding changes in polio immunization recommendations. In response to the former, although two doses of inactivated polio vaccine provide humoral immunity that will protect an individual against central nervous system invasion by wild or revertant attenuated polioviruses, they do not provide intestinal immunity, a valued asset of oral polio vaccine (OPV). Because we live in a global community where jet transportation enables one to move from a polio-endemic area to a polio-free area in less than one day, the introduction of wild polio viruses from sub-Saharan Africa or Southeast Asia poses a legitimate threat and concern to those who wish to maintain community protection, in addition to individual protection, against possible reintroduction of wild virus to the United States.


Meridians ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (S1) ◽  
pp. 340-362
Author(s):  
Kimala Price

Abstract Frustrated by the individualist approach of the “choice” paradigm used by the mainstream reproductive rights movement in the United States, a growing coalition of women of color organizations and their allies have sought to redefine and broaden the scope of reproductive rights by using a human rights framework. Dubbing itself “the movement for reproductive justice,” this coalition connects reproductive rights to other social justice issues such as economic justice, education, immigrant rights, environmental justice, sexual rights, and globalization, and believes that this new framework will encourage more women of color and other marginalized groups to become more involved in the political movement for reproductive freedom. Using narrative analysis, this essay explores what reproductive justice means to this movement, while placing it within the political, social, and cultural context from which it emerged.


Author(s):  
Duncan Bell

This chapter focuses on John Robert Seeley (1834–95), the most prominent imperial thinker in late nineteenth-century Britain. It dissects Seeley's understanding of theology and religion, probes his views on the sacred character of nationality, and shows how he attempted to reconcile particularism and universalism in a so-called “cosmopolitan nationalist” vision. It argues that Seeley's most famous book, The Expansion of England (1883) should be understood as an expression of his basic political-theological commitments. The chapter also makes the case that he conceived of Greater Britain as a global federal nation-state, modeled on the United States. It concludes by discussing the role of India and Ireland in his polychronic, stratified conception of world order.


2020 ◽  
pp. 135-164
Author(s):  
Dan Royles

This chapter describes the work of The Balm in Gilead, which grew out of the efforts of Pernessa Seele, an immunologist at Harlem Hospital, to organize local Black faith leaders to address AIDS through the Harlem Week of Prayer for the Healing of AIDS. As Seele trained African American clergy to incorporate AIDS education into their ministry, she also confronted entrenched homophobia in Black religious institutions. Accordingly, The Balm in Gilead designed programs that would help churches accept and include gay members. In 2001, Seele contracted with the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to extend her work with Black churches to sub-Saharan Africa, setting up programs in Côte d’Ivoire, Kenya, Nigeria, Zimbabwe, and Tanzania. She argued that because of Black people’s particular relationship with church and faith, the approach that The Balm in Gilead had developed in the United States would work in Africa as well. At the same time, this work intersected with a growing interest in addressing “global AIDS” among U.S. leaders, including Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, who saw the spread of the disease in Africa as a growing threat to international security.


Author(s):  
Eleanor M. Fox ◽  
Mor Bakhoum

This chapter identifies four clusters of nations based on state of development, in order to highlight significant qualitative differences that may call for different law and policies. The first cluster comprises the least developed sub-Saharan African countries with the most resource-challenged competition authorities, such as Benin and Togo. The second cluster compromises nations that have advanced economically to a perceptibly higher level. The third cluster is a “group” of one—South Africa. With all of its challenges, the South African competition regime is as close to a gold standard as there is in sub-Saharan Africa. Finally, for comparison, the fourth cluster comprises the developed countries, led in particular by the European Union and the United States. These nations have open economies, fairly robust markets, good infrastructure, and good institutions. The chapter proceeds to identify, from the point of view of each of the clusters, the most fitting competition framework nationally and globally. The chapter proposes how the divergences can be brought into sympathy.


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