Greek Foreign Policy toward the Black Sea Region: Combining Hard and Soft Power

2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 74-101
Author(s):  
E. Karagiannis
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (72) ◽  
pp. 250-273
Author(s):  
Alba Iulia Catrinel

Since the 2000s, China has become an increasingly visible presence in Europe. In the last 20 years, China has signed an extended strategic partnership with the European Union,developed the 17 + 1 platform, of strategic cooperation with the Eastern European corridor states, invested heavily in the European economy and diversified its soft-power means of action. In this context, the states of the Black Sea region are implicitly targeted by China's interests and actions. How large is China's presence in the Black Sea region? What are the objectives of China's geopolitical game in the Black Sea region? Do they belong to an independent game?Or are they part of a much more complex strategy, which aims at a major reconfiguration of global spheres of influence?Keywords: Black Sea region, China, 17 + 1 format, Belt and Road Initiative, Ukraine, Georgia,Danube estuary, Chinese "belt" of the Black Sea.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 540-559
Author(s):  
Denis V. Konkin

When the Crimea acquired the status of Russian territory in 1783, it became an imperial ‘borderland’ a long way from Saint Petersburg. However, in the geopolitical aspirations of European powers, and, also, from the viewpoint of the Russian Empire, the Crimea was not a remote periphery. The Russian government consistently sought to attract colonists from abroad to the thinly-populated Black Sea region. Several attempts to do so ended in failure; one of these was the organization of farming colonies at the Sea of Azov for French royalist emigrants and military men from Condé’s army. In the era of Napoleon, France paid particular attention to the peninsula; in the complicated foreign policy conditions, France did not miss any opportunity to reconnoitre the internal situation of this potentially unstable province of Russia, with the goal to infl uence the position of the Ottomans towards this territory which at that time was largely populated by Muslims. The author emphasizes that an important aspect of Napoleon’s foreign policy was supporting anti-Russian sentiment in the Ottoman Empire. One of the obvious means to achieve this goal was focusing on the Crimea issue and promising assistance for returning the peninsula into the Ottoman sphere of infl uence. The Russian authorities did not neglect these attempts and countered them skilfully. The author argues that the success of Russia’s policy in the Crimea was mainly related to certain Frenchmen in Russian service. During the Russian-Ottoman confl ict of 1806-1812, the military and administrative measures conducted by Armand de Richelieu, the Governor of New Russia, and Jean de Traversay, the commander of the Black Sea Navy, became an important factor for providing a stable situation within the peninsula.


Author(s):  
Nuri Demirel

Currently, the Republic of Turkey plays a vital role in international processes taking place on the world stage. Since ancient times, at the crossroads of the paths between the world of East and West, the Republic of Turkey claims to have an excellent position in the relations of these regions with each other, as well as in their internal processes and events. The universal location between Europe and Asia makes Turkish foreign policy one of its main political issues, especially in the field of regional cooperation. Moreover, the changes in the world of recent decades, such as the collapse of the USSR, revolutions and military operations in eastern countries, the transition of Crimea to Russia, lead to the fact that Turkey pursued its foreign policy thoughtfully and actively, taking the most advantageous positions for itself. An essential region for pursuing Turkish policy is the Black Sea region. The events of recent years have significantly affected him and the role that large states play in him, such as the Republic of Turkey and the Russian Federation. It also began to arouse great interest among states and regions of the Western world, such as the European Union. The changed geopolitical structure of the Black Sea region has led to the need for its members to determine their positions and areas of interaction in which they are ready to cooperate or, on the contrary, to oppose each other. In this article, the author will examine the relations of the Turkish Republic and the Russian Federation in the Black Sea region and its importance. In this study, political relations, security, economy, energy, and security will be discussed. In the conclusion of the study, the current state of Turkey-Russia relations and assessments will be made about its future.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-218
Author(s):  
D. S. Ayvazyan

The paper is dedicated to the role of the Black Sea region in the security policy of Romania. Approaches, patterns and results of this area of the foreign policy of Romania are studied since the period after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The concepts and strategies of the national security and the strategies of national defense of Romania, adopted since 1994 are analysed. The key patterns and results of the security policy pursued by Romania in the Black Sea region are defined. The author concludes that this direction of Romania's policy is consistently based on the strategic partnership with the United States and solidarity with the approaches of the NATO and EU in the Black Sea region. The policy leads to the imbalance in the relations with the littoral states for which euro-atlanticism has not become an ideological basis for their foreign policy (Russia and Turkey). Amidst the absence of the search for a new model of relations with the littoral states, Romania's policy leads to the growth of the potential for confliction in the Black Sea region.


Author(s):  
Elmira Akhmedova

The article examines the content, main points, and objectives of the European Union 2007 Regional Cooperation Initiative Black Sea Synergy, issues that lie within the common interests of the Black Sea states as well as potential challenges to the regional stability in the Black Sea region. It also examines the basic legal documents which are an integral part of the European Union’s legal international cooperation in the framework of the Black Sea Initiative. It also researches the national interests of Ukraine, the main directions and the importance of building strategic relations between Ukraine and the Turkish Republic in terms of ensuring regional stability in the Black Sea region.The article researches the importance of the Black Sea region in building security and stability in Europe and Asia, international legal documents between the parties in building regional Black Sea security and strategic interests of Ukraine in cooperation with the Republic of Turkey in the Black Sea security. It is stressed that the Black Sea Region is one of the main factors in building security and stability in Europe and Asia. Along with other issues in the region, ethnic conflicts, ongoing state-building processes, possessing the vast natural resources, the strategic significance of transportation corridors means that the region is an extremelyimportant and sensitive area. Special attention is given to an analysis of bilateral relations between the Republic of Turkey and Ukraine that are becoming more strategic consideringTurkey’s special role in the Black Sea region and its complementary role for the European Union policy in the region. It states that the dramatic change in the geopolitical situation in the region in 2014 led to the revision of Ukraine’s foreign policy towards the Republic of Turkey. The Republic of Turkey has moved to the top of Ukraine’s foreign policy priorities following the loss of Crimea, the conflict in eastern Ukraine and the general aggravation of the security situation in theBlack Sea region. The article concludes that the Black Sea Synergy remains declarative as itdoes not provide a clear explanation of the EU’s political position on the Black Sea issues. It requires very specific action to prevent real threats. In the current situation, Ukraine can only achieve its strategic goal through cooperation within the framework of regional associations of different plans. 


Author(s):  
Alexandr S. Levchenkov ◽  

The article analyzes the influence of the concepts of the Intermarium and the Baltic-Black Sea Arc on the formation of Ukraine’s foreign policy in 1990 – early 2000. The use of these concepts in American, European and Ukrainian geopolitical thought, which historically included the idea of opposing Russian influence in the region, contributed to the increase in tension and was aimed at further disintegration of the Western flank of the post-Soviet space. The article proves that the design of the Euro-Atlantic vector of Ukraine’s foreign policy was already active under the first two Ukrainian presidents – Leonid Kravchuk (1991–1994) and Leonid Kuchma (1994–2005). One of the concrete attempts to implement the idea of forming a common political, economic, transport and logistics space of the Black Sea-Caspian region with a promising expansion of the cooperation zone to the whole of Eastern Europe and the Eastern Baltic during the presidency of Leonid Kuchma was the foundation and launch of a new regional organization, Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, better known as GUAM (composed by the initial letters of names of member states – Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Moldova; when Uzbekistan was also a member of Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, the name of the organization was GUUAM), which is an alternative to Eurasian projects with the participation of Russia.


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