scholarly journals A extensão do poder constituinte estadual no STF: a jurisprudência da Corte no período militar (1964-85)

2019 ◽  
Vol 278 (3) ◽  
pp. 185
Author(s):  
Alynne Nayara Ferreira Nunes ◽  
Rafael Viotti Schlobach

<p>The extent of states’ constitution-making power according to the Brazilian Supreme Federal Court: case-law during the military regime (1964-85)</p><p> </p><p>O presente artigo objetiva examinar a jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) acerca dos limites ao poder constituinte estadual, durante o período autoritário e centralizador do regime militar (1964-85). Em seguida, pretendemos comparar os resultados com a jurisprudência atual, sob a vigência da Constituição Federal de 1988, que atribuiu maior autonomia e competências aos estados-membros, segundo a pesquisa de Schlobach (2014). Concluímos que, no período autoritário, o STF adotou jurisprudência restritiva relativa ao âmbito de atuação dos poderes constituintes, ressalvados os ministros Aliomar Baleeiro e Victor Nunes Leal, que se destacaram por ficarem vencidos e por defenderem maior autonomia aos constituintes estaduais. Ao final do regime, o STF desenvolveu argumentos para estimular o federalismo cooperativo, que, no entanto, não foi observado durante o período pós-CF/88, no qual a Corte manteve referências à jurisprudência do período militar.</p><p> </p><p>This article aims to examine the case-law of the Brazilian Supreme Federal Court about the limits to the constituent power of member States during the authoritarian and centralizing military regime (1964-1985). Afterwards, we compared the results with the current case-law, under the Federal Constitution of 1988, which attributed more autonomy and competences to the States, according to the research made by Schlobach (2014). We concluded that, in the authoritarian regime, the Supreme Federal Court developed a restrictive case-law about the scope of action of the States’ constituent powers, except for Justices Aliomar Baleeiro and Victor Nunes Leal, which stood out by their dissenting opinions and their defense of more autonomy to the constituent powers. At the end of the regime, the Supreme Federal Court developed arguments in favor of a cooperative federalism, which was not, however, observed after 1988, period when the Court still referred to the military regime case-law.</p>

Author(s):  
Anthony W. Pereira

‘Dictatorship and repression’ assesses the twenty-one-year dictatorship in Brazil from 1964 to 1985. A result of tensions in the second republic of 1945–64, the coup that created the Brazilian dictatorship occurred in 1964. The subsequent authoritarian regime in Brazil was also distinctive; in the first four years, the regime oversaw a process of conservative modernization of the economy. However, the repression of the military regime reached its peak from 1969 to 1974, when disappearances, executions, and torture took place amidst the clamp-down engendered by the passage of Institutional Act Number 5 (AI-5). The chapter then looks at the legacy of the Brazilian dictatorship.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (48) ◽  
pp. 208-229
Author(s):  
Gabriel Saldanha Lula de Medeiros

Este artigo tem como finalidade investigar a respeito do uso da educação como um instrumento político de controle e legitimação de poder durante a ditadura militar brasileira a partir de 1964. A metodologia consiste em uma pesquisa bibliográfica realizada no Google utilizando palavras relacionadas a cada um dos assuntos a serem abordados, além de três livros físicos. Houve o cuidado em não coletar textos que pudessem fazer apologia ao regime autoritário. Após o levantamento bibliográfico de textos produzidos por historiadores, será realizada uma discussão a fim de elucidar a questão, baseando-se na corroboração entre os dados trazidos pelos autores consultados. Conclui-se, por fim, que o regime militar utilizou a educação como instrumento político através da implementação de novas disciplinas cívicas e ufanistas, do controle da produção do material didático, da criação de licenciaturas curtas desprovidas de conhecimento científico aprofundado e do esvaziamento do conteúdo crítico das disciplinas de humanidades. Palavras-chaves: Ditadura militar; Educação; Estudos Sociais; Moral e Cívica; Abstract: This article aims to investigate about the use of education as a political instrument of control and legitimization of power during the Brazilian military dictatorship from 1964. The methodology consists of a bibliographic search on Google using words related to each subject. addressed, as well as a physical book. Care was taken not to collect texts that could make an apology to the authoritarian regime. After the bibliographic survey of texts produced by historians, a discussion will be held in order to elucidate the issue, based on the corroboration between the data brought by the authors consulted. Finally, it is concluded that the military regime used education as a political instrument through the implementation of new civic and ufanist disciplines, the control of the production of didactic material, the creation of short degrees without deep scientific knowledge and the emptying of content. critic of the humanities disciplines. Keywords: Military dictatorship; Education; Social Studies; Moral and Civism.


2021 ◽  
pp. 273-301
Author(s):  
Graeme Gill

The aim of this chapter is to examine the effect institutions have on the adoption and operation of rules. It therefore explains differences in the way the rules have worked in the different regimes by aspects of the different institutional structures. The military regime with its centralized command ethos, the electoral authoritarian regime with a party designed to compete in a competitive electoral process, the personalization of power in the personal dictatorship and the family in the dynastic monarchy, all had significant impacts on the way the rules functioned in those regimes. The findings of this chapter throw doubt on the common claim that institutions are not very important in authoritarian regimes.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Miguel Gómez Jene

Resumen: Este estudio analiza la jurisprudencia actual (internacional, comparada y española) en interpretación de las normas internacionales y de fuente interna que regulan la eficacia del convenio arbitral. La irrupción en el tráfico de nuevos tipos de convenios arbitrales (cláusulas híbridas y cláusulas escalación), así como la falta de una regulación ad hoc para determinados supuestos (extensión de los efectos del convenio a terceros no firmantes) exigen un estudio comparado de las soluciones dadas a estas cuestiones en las jurisdicciones con mayor tradición arbitral. Por último, se analizan las posibles consecuencias que la reciente jurisprudencia del TS sobre el principio Kompetenz-kompetenz (“tesis débil”) puede tener sobre el efecto positivo del convenio arbitral; así como la posible extensión al ámbito del convenio arbitral de la jurisprudencia del TS sobre responsabilidad por incumplimiento de una cláusula de sumisión a tribunales españoles.Palabras clave: Convenio arbitral. Voluntad inequívoca: Ley aplicable al convenio arbitral. Extensión de los efectos del convenio arbitral. Cláusulas híbridas. Cláusulas escalación. Efectos positivo y negativo del convenio arbitral. Tesis débil de la Kompetenz-kompetenz. Responsabilidad.Abstract: This paper analyzes the current case law (international, comparative and Spanish) in interpretation of international and internal norms that regulate the effectiveness of the arbitration agreement. The emergence of new types of arbitration agreements (hybrid clause and escalation clause), as well as the lack of an ad hoc regulation for certain assumptions (extension of the effects of the agreement to non-signatory third parties) require a comparative study of the Solutions given to these issues in jurisdictions with a greater tradition of arbitration. Finally, the possible consequences that the recent Supreme Court case law on the Kompetenz-kompetenz principle (“soft Thesis”) can have on the positive effect of the arbitration agreement are analyzed, as well as the possible extension to the scope of the arbitration agreement of the Supreme Court case law on liability for breach of a clause of submission to Spanish courts.Keywords: Arbitration agreement. Unequivocal will. Applicable law to the arbitration agreement. Extension of Effects of the arbitration agreement. Hybrid clause. Escalation clause. Positive and negative effects of the arbitration agreement. Soft thesis of Kompetenz-kompetenz. Liability.


Author(s):  
Adrian Kuenzler

This chapter analyzes existing U.S. Supreme Court case law with respect to, on the one hand, antitrust’s minimum resale price maintenance plans, bundling and tying practices, as well as refusals to deal, and, on the other hand, trademark law’s dilution, postsale, sponsorship, and initial interest confusion doctrines, including design patent and selected areas of copyright law. It demonstrates that courts, based on the free riding hypothesis, have come to protect increasing amounts of artificial shortage of everyday consumer goods and services and corresponding incentives to innovate. Through the preservation of such values, antitrust and intellectual property laws have evolved into “dilution laws” and have focused, almost exclusively, on the refurbishment of the technological supply side of our present-day digital economies rather than also on the human demand side of “creative consumption.”


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raphaël van Steenberghe

Proportionality is a condition provided under both jus ad bellum and jus in bello. Based on a particular interpretation of state practice and international case law, recent legal literature argues that the two notions of proportionality are interrelated in that proportionality under jus in bello is included in the assessment of proportionality under jus ad bellum. This article seeks to refute such a position and, more generally, to clarify the relationship between the two notions of proportionality.The main argument of the article is in line with the traditional position regarding the relationship between jus ad bellum and jus in bello. It is argued that, although sharing common features and being somewhat interconnected, the notions of proportionality provided under these two separate branches of international law remain independent of each other, mainly because of what is referred to in this article as the ‘general versus particular’ dichotomy, which characterises their relations. Proportionality under jus ad bellum is to be measured against the military operation as a whole, whereas proportionality under jus in bello is to be assessed against individual military attacks launched in the framework of this operation.This article nonetheless emphasises the risk of overlap between the assessments of the two notions of proportionality when the use of force involves only one or a few military operations. Indeed, in such situations, the ‘general versus particular’ dichotomy, which normally enables one to make a distinct assessment between the two notions of proportionality, is no longer applicable since it becomes impossible to distinguish between the military operation as a whole and the individual military attacks undertaken during this operation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luane Flores Chuquel

This current work studies the human rights violations suffered by indigenous peoples during the period of the Brazilian CivilMilitary Dictatorship. Likewise, it makes some notes about the beginning of the violations in a moment before this dark period. On this path, even before the Military Coup was launched in the year 1964 (one thousand nine hundred and sixty-four), the Indians were already experiencing constant usurpations of their rights at the expense of irresponsibilities commanded most of the time, by those who should watch over their rights lives. As will be seen, the violation and disrespect for Human Rights in the face of these peoples ended up becoming common and gaining strength mainly in the beginning of the implementation of the military regime. Negligent attempts at acculturation and "emancipation", in addition to inconsequential contacts with isolated peoples, culminated in the destruction and predatory logging of their lands. Missing processes of terribly violating demarcations of indigenous areas promoted the expulsion of countless peoples, causing the Indians to fall into a life totally surrounded by hunger, begging, alcoholism and prostitution. All in the name of the so-called “economic advance”, which aimed at building roads, in what was called “occupation of the Amazon”? As frequently stated by the authorities at the time, the Amazon rainforest was seen and understood as a “population void” by the Military Government. According to this thought idealized by the disgusting dictators and supporters, it will be observed that the cases of violations of Human Rights have been systematically “legalized”. The life, land and culture of indigenous peoples were left in the background. Depending on this brief narrative developed through documentary research, based on a hypothetical-deductive method, the intention is to rescue the martyrdoms of that time, demonstrating what actually happened to indigenous peoples during the Military Regime, in the simplest attempt to remember or even disclose to those who are unaware of this part of history. All that said, don't you forget. So that it never happens again.


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