scholarly journals The Mahathir Influence and the Changing Phases of Malaysia-Syria Diplomatic Relations

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roy Anthony Rogers ◽  
Nour Altala ◽  
Wan Sharina Ramlah Wan Ahmad Amin Jaffri
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Global Approach ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Significant Development ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Syrian Conflict

The purpose of this study is to examine Malaysia’s diplomatic relations with Syria through three periods: pre-Mahathir era, the first phase of Mahathir era (1981-2003) and the ‘inter-Mahathir’ years (2003-2018) - referring to the period prior to the return of Mahathir as Prime Minister for the second time in 2018. Ultimately, this study attempts to identify the key factors determining the nature of Malaysia’s bilateral ties with Syria during the Mahathir era. The methodology adopted for this study is qualitative in nature, relying on primary and secondary sources, the former being personal interviews conducted with Tun Dr. Mahathir himself and also with scholars in the field. This paper argues that during the pre-Mahathir era (1958-1981), relations with Syria were very much based on political and diplomatic considerations. However, during the Mahathir era (1981-2003) the emphasis changed due to the significant economic development and Malaysia’s foreign policy took a much more global approach. With this change, economic factors as a foreign policy determinant became more prominent as compared to the pre-Mahathir period. The inter-Mahathir years (2003-2018) did not witness any significant development except for the humanitarian support extended by the Malaysian government during the outbreak of the Syrian conflict in 2011.  

The Foreign Policy Mechanism of the Union Of South Africa and the Development of its Diplomatic Relations (1910–1948)

2020 ◽  
pp. 74-86
Author(s):  
Alexandra Arkhangelskaya
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Economic Evolution ◽  
Local Elite ◽  
History Of

The history of the formation of South Africa as a single state is closely intertwined with events of international scale, which have accordingly influenced the definition and development of the main characteristics of the foreign policy of the emerging state. The Anglo-Boer wars and a number of other political and economic events led to the creation of the Union of South Africa under the protectorate of the British Empire in 1910. The political and economic evolution of the Union of South Africa has some specific features arising from specific historical conditions. The colonization of South Africa took place primarily due to the relocation of Dutch and English people who were mainly engaged in business activities (trade, mining, agriculture, etc.). Connected by many economic and financial threads with the elite of the countries from which the settlers left, the local elite began to develop production in the region at an accelerated pace. South Africa’s favorable climate and natural resources have made it a hub for foreign and local capital throughout the African continent. The geostrategic position is of particular importance for foreign policy in South Africa, which in many ways predetermined a great interest and was one of the fundamental factors of international involvement in the development of the region. The role of Jan Smuts, who served as Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa from 1919 to 1924 and from 1939 to 1948, was particularly prominent in the implementation of the foreign and domestic policy of the Union of South Africa in the focus period of this study. The main purpose of this article is to study the process of forming the mechanisms of the foreign policy of the Union of South Africa and the development of its diplomatic network in the period from 1910 to 1948.

scholarly journals Afrocentrism, national interest and citizen welfare in Nigeria’s foreign policy maneuvers

F1000Research ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 997
Author(s):  
George Chimdi Mbara ◽  
Nirmala Gopal
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Leadership Role ◽  
Political Realism ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Clear Vision ◽  
Total Failure ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Depth Interviews

Background: Nigeria’s former Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, in his addresses of August and October 1, 1960, declared Africa as the centrepiece of Nigeria’s foreign policy. This policy thrust has remained a constant variable in the country’s diplomatic engagements over the years. The doctrine of Afrocentrism is predicated on the supposed manifest leadership role placed on Nigeria by nature. This made her leaders define Africa’s interest as Nigeria’s national interest, a development that has been contended to have no empirical bearing on the welfare of Nigerians thereby generating intense scrutiny. Consequently, this study evaluates the impact of Nigeria’s Afrocentric foreign policy thrust on the welfare of the ordinary Nigerians. The study further analyses the country’s gravitation towards citizen-centred diplomacy in 2007. These will help in comprehending the interaction between national interest and foreign policy in Nigeria, and to identify whose interests have been protected the most in Nigeria’s foreign policy pursuit – that of the ordinary citizens or the elites? Methods: Through the qualitative research method, in-depth interviews (IDIs) were conducted with Key Informants (KIs) for data collection. Responses from field study are merged with other primary and secondary sources of data to provide an incisive and balanced analysis that is premised on political realism. Results: Findings indicate that Nigeria’s international generosity and leadership role has never been predicated on a clear vision of national interest. Notwithstanding the flaws in Nigeria’s foreign policy over the years, this study also discovered that the outcome has not been a total failure as some respondents maintain. Conclusions: With the nation’s gravitation towards citizen-centred diplomacy, it is hoped that the country will put the interest of its citizens first in her policy pursuits.

THE CONCEPT OF GREATER EURASIAN PARTNERSHIPAND “ONE BELT AND ONE ROAD”INITIATIVE

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. KONG
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Cooperation ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
The West ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa

Today, the world is in the midst of a tremendous change. The concept of the Great Eurasian Partnership is an attempt by Russia to go beyond the framework of traditional foreign policy thinking focused on the USA and the West, the result of a breakthrough, as well as a diplomatic direction, a strategy of economic development in the new conditions. Connecting the concept with the initiative of international cooperation One Belt and One Road is one of the key factors for its implementation.

scholarly journals Pakistan-India Relations: An overview of Foreign Policy during Pervez Musharraf Regime

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Afshan Iqbal, Dr. Asghar Dashti
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
September 11 ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Nuclear War ◽  
Counter Terrorism ◽  
The People ◽  
Institutional Mechanism

In this article, Pakistan-India relations are analysed with special reference to the era of Pervez Musharraf, regarding his foreign policy. In this article, all the key factors are highlighted and discussed involving the conflicts between the two nuclear powered arch-rivals. The Kashmir conflict is at the centre of all of them. When General Pervez Musharraf took military power in Pakistan, many problems arose, including those related to the economy and foreign policy towards its neighbour, particularly India. The war in Kargil was still hot and Musharraf had to deal with the situation. Before a policy towards India was defined and implemented to save the people of these regions from the destruction of a nuclear war, the situation deteriorated further after the September 11, 2001 attack on the United States. In September 2006, President Musharraf and Prime Minister Singh agreed to establish an Indo-Pakistani counter-terrorism institutional mechanism to identify and conduct counter-terrorism initiatives  

scholarly journals Analisis Kebijakan Luar Negeri Vanuatu Dalam Mendukung ULMWP Untuk Memisahkan Diri Dari Indonesia

2020 ◽  
pp. 65-78
Author(s):  
M. Syaprin Zahidi
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
South Pacific ◽  
International Community ◽  
Process Approach ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Adaptive Model ◽  
Organizational Process

Vanuatu as one of the countries in the South Pacific Region has become a country that seems very diligent in criticizing Indonesia in international forums relating to the issue of violations of human rights in Papua. This was seen from 1982 when Vanuatu did not yet have diplomatic relations with Indonesia and then continued in 2014 when Vanuatu Prime Minister Moana Carcasses Katokai Kalosil at the 25th UN Human Rights Summit, delivered a speech urging the international community to support the independence of the Papuan people. This article argues that what was done by Vanuatu was inseparable from Vanuatu's domestical politic which the majority supported Papuan independence so that to frame the argument this article would use Graham T Allison's Organizational Process approach and adaptive model of foreign policy from Rosenau

Sino-Cameroon Relations: A Foreign Policy of Pragmatism

2015 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 171-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julius A. Amin
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Mutual Respect ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Local Newspapers ◽  
External Relations

Abstract:Based on primary sources, including documents obtained from Cameroon’s Ministry of External Relations, oral interviews conducted in Cameroon, and local newspapers, and a variety of secondary sources, this article examines Cameroon’s foreign policy and economic relations with China. It argues that Cameroon’s engagement with China has resulted in short-term benefits for consumers but undermined long-term, sustainable economic development. The article concludes that unless China genuinely pursues its promised policies of “mutual respect” and “win–win gain,” voices of protest will only grow louder in Cameroon and other African nations.

At the Cusp of Transformation

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Srinath Raghavan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
The World ◽  
Indian Foreign Policy ◽  
Fundamental Shift

This chapter examines Indian foreign policy under Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi (1984–89). It argues that during these years, Indian foreign policy was significantly reoriented. Gandhi made important moves to recast India’s relations with the United States and China. Although no major breakthroughs were achieved, his engagement with them set the tone and pattern for the approach and policy of all subsequent governments. In India’s own neighbourhood, his policies had a more activist edge. But the outcomes were mixed. Perhaps the most fundamental shift in foreign policy was Gandhi’s recognition that India’s modernization and economic development required greater and more adroit engagement with the world and that foreign policy had to be geared towards securing these objectives.

scholarly journals Indigenous Sovereignty and the Being of the Occupier

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Fiona Nicoll
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Indigenous People ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Attorney General ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Indigenous Communities ◽  
Northern Territory ◽  
Australian Government ◽  
Political Persuasion

The significance of this publication can be appreciated with reference to two recent moments in Australian public life. The first is Australian Attorney-General George Brandis’ signalling a shift in foreign policy by stating that “no Australian government of either political persuasion ‘acknowledges or accepts’ the use of the word occupied in relation to Palestine” (Australian Associated Press 2014). This semantic reorientation was endorsed by Prime Minister Tony Abbott, who described the longstanding conflict between Palestine and Israel as pertaining to ‘disputed’ territories, rather than as a matter of ‘occupation’ (Hurst 2014). The second moment was during Q&A, a live panel show screened by the national broadcaster, when a senior Indigenous leader from Utopia, Rosalie Kunoth Monks (2014), criticised not only the failures, but also the flawed premise of the federal government’s ‘intervention’ into remote Indigenous communities in the Northern Territory. After explaining the importance of her language and her resistance to historical and current attempts to assimilate Indigenous people to better serve the nation’s cultural and economic ‘development’, she said very slowly and clearly to camera: “I am not the problem.”

Regional Policy in the Field of Natural Resources Management in the Far North

2003 ◽  
pp. 108-116
Author(s):  
A. Bykov
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Natural Resources ◽  
Regional Policy ◽  
Natural Resources Management ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Resource Saving ◽  
Resources Management ◽  
Legal Norms ◽  
Far North ◽  
The Russian Federation

According to the legal norms of the Russian Federation in the ownership, usage and disposal of natural resources the author analyses interaction between natural resources users and local authorities. The interaction is based upon ecological and economic factors, which cause the peculiarities of requirements put before natural resource users in the Far North. The strategic directions of resource saving economic development of these regions are considered.

South-South Cooperation: The Ivorian-Moroccan Case

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (12) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mamadou Sanogo
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
African Union ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
Sub Saharan

Ivorian-Moroccan relations are not new because the diplomatic relations between the two countries have been established since August 16, 1962, but the interest of Morocco for Côte d'Ivoire has considerably strengthened during the royal visit of 19-21 March 2013 in Côte d'Ivoire, the first, since the beginning of his reign in 1999. Morocco is now refocusing its foreign policy on sub-Saharan Africa after the failure of Maghreb integration. This rapprochement resulted in Morocco's return to the African Union and its accession to ECOWAS.

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