scholarly journals Ksfc and North Karnataka

2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-93
Author(s):  
H.S Anitha ◽  
A.S Laxmisha

There was no effective State assistance to the entrepreneurs in the pre-independent period. After independence an effort in this direction was initiated by the Government in many ways. Among them, establishment of financial institutions is one. Accordingly KSFC was established in 1959 to cater to the needs of the entrepreneurs in the State of Karnataka. The Corporation is expected to achieve alround and balanced growth of the state. This paper is an attempt to evaluate the performance of KSFC in North Karnataka. The study is made by taking the assistance given by Corporation from 1990-91 to 1997-98 in all the districts of Karnataka and comparing the percentage share of each district in the KSFC's assistance with the density of population. The study revealed that except Bangalore, Dakshina Kannada and Kolar all the other districts failed to get due share in the KSFC's assistance, Among them, Bijapur, Gulbarga, Dharwad and Raichur failed to get their share miserably These findings revealed that North Karnataka is neglected continuously in several fronts by the Governments ruled the State.To achieve the balanced growth of the State of Karnataka, several suggestions were offered in the paper. Creation of an 'apex body' subordinate of KSFC in North Karnataka, exemption of application processing fees for units coming up in North Karnataka, establishment of 'Technical Advice and Guidance Cell', conducting special developmental campaigns, development of infrastructural facilities etc., are the important suggestions offered by the paper.    

Author(s):  
Pratyush Paras Sarma ◽  
Sagarmoy Phukan

Assam was the first state in India to have undertaken the Global Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as a long-term guiding strategy for development. At the end of five years, before the state election, evaluating the work on SDGs in Assam is essential to follow up on the commitment of the government. But before we start evaluating the SDGs it is important to understand the development road Assam has taken over the last 100-150 years and why we must make a new turn. This study has tried to understand certain loopholes which have hampered the progress of SDGs in Assam along with how much Assam has been able to address its sustainability issues and how we can progress. We have reviewed the performance of the state based upon the official performance index released by NITI Aayog, Government of India. Our review of the index reflects that Assam has performed relatively poorer than the other states of the country. However, the ethnic culture of the region was deeply rooted in nature which the state can now adopt and harness to achieve its SDGs. KEYWORDS: Sustainable Development Goals; Assam Election; Indigenous Knowledge; Citizen Science; Polycentric Governance


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (7) ◽  
pp. 234-247
Author(s):  
Joyjit Sanyal ◽  
Sujit Sikidar

Labour plays a very important role in the industrial production of the country. The human resource managers are concerned with the management of people at work. It is necessary to secure the co-operation of labour force in order to increase the production and earn higher profits. The co-operation of labour force is possible only when they are fully satisfied with their employer and the working conditions on the job. In the past, industrialists and the employers believed that their only duty towards their employees was to pay them satisfactory wages and salaries. But in due course of time, in addition to providing monetary benefits, human treatment given to employees started to play a very important role in seeking their co-operation. Labour or employee welfare activities benefit not only the workers but also the management in the form of greater industrial efficiency. The welfare activities pay a good dividend in the long run, because they contribute a lot towards the health and efficiency of the workers and towards a high morale. On the other hand, social security has come up as a dynamic concept which is considered in all advanced countries of the world as an indispensable chapter of the national programme. Social security is that security which the society furnishes through appropriate organisation against certain risks or certain contingencies to which its members are exposed. These risks are essentially contingencies against which the individual cannot afford by his small means and by his ability or foresight alone. As the name stands for general well- being of the people it is the duty of the state to promote social security which may provide the citizens with benefits designed to prevent or cure disease, to support him when he is not able to earn and to restore him to gainful activity. The state as an employer has provided for certain measures for the welfare and social security of the labourers, who contribute towards the economic development of a country and in this regard, the government has to see towards the proper implementation of such measures to maintain a harmonious industrial relation on the one side and on the other hand towards the upliftment of the members of the society. Thus, there arise the vital needs for the detailed assessments of the measures so provided, its quality of implementation so far and the level of satisfaction of the same among the different class of employees. The present study acts as a working paper with an objective to gather the opinion of the organized workforce in the Central Public Sector Enterprises with regards to their acceptance and satisfaction level of the various ‘Employees welfare and Social Security’ measures by the employers. However, the present study is restricted to two enterprises only and is undertaken with the following objectives: To analyze the opinions of the employees in respect of the labour welfare measures & social security benefits. To analyze the level of satisfaction or otherwise of the workers in respect of social security measures.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 191-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiong Qu (熊曲) ◽  
Song Shaohua (宋少華)

This paper reconstructs two documents from the Three Kingdoms state of Wu unearthed at Zoumalou, Changsha, based on archaeological information as well as the form and contents of the excavated slips and tablets. The documents are registers of the state loaning seed grain to commoners: one type are “registers of grain loans,” while the other are “registers of seed grain loans from the Jiahe 3rd year.” Based on this reconstruction, we show that the standard unit to which the government loaned seed was the household, that the purpose was emergency relief of the poor, and that people received more grain than they needed for seed and were then able to eat some of it. 根據考古信息、簡牘形制及其內容,本文嘗試復原了走馬樓吳簡中的兩個官府種糧給貸簿書——出禾給貸簿和嘉禾三年種糧給貸簿。并由此認爲,官府借貸種糧以一户爲標準,以救濟貧民爲目的,但種糧的用途除了耕種外,也會用於口糧。


2021 ◽  
pp. 483-520
Author(s):  
Eric Van Young

Alamán’s internal self-exile in Mexico City, when he hid for nearly two years only to emerge in 1834, is discussed in as much detail as is possible for a largely undocumented episode. Having left the government along with the other ministers during 1832, he was being pursued by agents of the state and political enemies to stand trial before a congressional grand jury for his involvement in the judicial murder of Vicente Guerrero. The chapter also discusses his cordial relationship with the U.S. envoy who replaced the recalled Joel Poinsett, Anthony Butler. The fall of the Anastasio Bustamante government to an uprising led by Santa Anna is narrated, along with Alamán’s eventual trial, his spirited defense of himself, the intervention of Carlos María de Bustamante (not the president) on his behalf before the Supreme Court, and the ex-minister’s exoneration at the hands of President Santa Anna.


Author(s):  
Peter Baldwin

Let Us Begin Where Everything Starts, with the economy and the labor market. This is perhaps where contrasts are thought to be sharpest. America—so the proponents of radical differences across the Atlantic argue—worships at the altar of what West German chancellor Helmut Schmidt once called Raubtierkapitalismus, predatory capitalism, where the market sweeps everything before it and the state exerts no restraint. The result is what another German chancellor, Gerhard Schröder, called amerikanische Verhältnisse, “American conditions,” plucked straight out of a play by Bertolt Brecht: America’s labor market is untrammeled and cruel, jobs are insecure and badly paid. Americans live to work, while Europeans work to live. That is the story. But is it true? America’s core ideological belief is oft en thought to be the predominance of the market and the absence of state regulation. “Everything should and must be pro-market, pro-business, and pro-shareholder,” as Will Hutton, a British columnist, puts it, “a policy platform lubricated by colossal infusions of corporate cash into America’s money-dominated political system. . . . ” Hutton stands in a long line of European critics who have seen nothing but the dominance of the market in America. There is some truth to the American penchant for free markets. But the notion that the Atlantic divides capitalism scarlet in tooth and claw from a more domesticated version in Europe has been overstated. When asked for their preferences, Americans tend to assign the state less of a role than many—though not all—Europeans. Proportionately fewer Americans think that the government should redistribute income to ameliorate inequalities, or that the government should seek to provide jobs for all, or reduce working hours. On the other hand, proportionately more Americans (by a whisker) than Germans and almost exactly as many as the Swedes think that government should control wages, and more want the government to control prices than Germans. Proportionately more Americans believe that the government should act to create new jobs than the Swedes, and about as many as the Germans, Finns, and Swiss. The percentage of Americans that thinks the state should intervene to provide decent housing is low.


NUTA Journal ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 64-69
Author(s):  
Rameshwor Upadhyay

This paper highlighted Nepalese statelessness issue from Nationality perspective. Nationality is one of the major human rights concerns of the citizens. In fact, citizenship is one of the major fundamental rights guaranteed by the constitution. According to the universal principle related to the statelessness, no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his or her nationality. In this connection, on one hand, this paper traced out the international legal obligations created by the conventions to the state parties in which state must bear the responsibility for making national laws to comply with the international instruments. On the other hand, this paper also appraised statelessness related lacunae and shortcomings seen in Municipal laws as well as gender discriminatory laws that has been supporting citizens to become statelessness. By virtue being a one of the modern democratic states in the world, it is the responsibility of the government to protect and promote human rights of the citizens including women and children. Finally, this paper suggests government to take necessary initiation to change and repeal the discriminatory provisions related to citizenship which are seen in the constitution and other statutory laws.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (Winter 2020) ◽  
pp. 22-28
Author(s):  
Khan Faqir ◽  
Imtiaz Ali

The aim of this paper is to highlight the power of judicial review in the 1973 constitution of Pakistan. The three organ of the government the executive, judiciary and legislature are working in such a way that each organ is functioning in its sphere. The functions and activities may not be disturbed by each other. There is a mechanism in the 1973 constitution of Pakistan of judicial review. In this way the judiciary has some check on the other branches of the government. Under the 1973 constitution, the judiciary has certain powers to control the executive and legislative branches of the government. In this way judiciary is playing a key role in Pakistan. The paper is an attempt to highlight the process of judicial review in the 1973 constitution of Pakistan and its role in constitutional history in Pakistan.


2006 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giuseppe Dalla Torre

Dopo essersi rilevato il fenomeno della rinascita del fatto religioso nell’odierna società secolarizzata, grazie anche al massiccio fenomeno immigratorio, si descrive l’impatto del pluralismo etnico-religioso sulle tradizionali realtà degli ordinamenti giuridici statali; impatto reso ancora più problematico per l’ascesa di nuovi poteri, in particolare quello tecnico-scientifico, insofferenti ad una eteroregolamentazione non solo sul piano etico, ma anche sul piano giuridico. Si mette quindi in evidenza una crescente ambiguità che investe la biogiuridica: da un lato la nuova esigenza di riconoscere il rivendicato “diritto alla diversità” da parte delle diverse formazioni etnico-religiose; dall’altro l’esigenza di una regolamentazione giuridica uniforme a garanzia dell’ordinata convivenza attorno ad una scala valoriale che abbia nella “vita” il bene centrale ed ultimo da salvaguardare. Tra le conclusioni cui si giunge è innanzitutto quella per cui la pacifica convivenza in una società multietnica e multireligiosa può essere assicurata, nel rispetto delle diverse tradizioni e culture, attraverso il ricorso a moderati e saggi riconoscimenti di spazio al diritto personale all’interno degli ordinamenti statali, ma nei limiti rigorosi posti dalle esigenze di tutela della dignità umana. Ciò tocca anche la questione dei “nuovi poteri” che, nel contesto di una società globalizzata, impongono una rielaborazione dell’idea di diritto che, partendo dal quadro di un sistema di fonti che tende sempre più ad essere organizzato non secondo gerarchia ma secondo competenza, si ispiri al principio del riconoscimento dell’essere umano nella sua dignità, indipendentemente dall’appartenenza etnico-religiosa. Infine si mette in evidenza l’inaccettabilità di un “diritto debole”, solo procedimentale, perché sostanziale negazione della funzione stessa del diritto, che è quella di prevenire e/o dirimere i conflitti tra interessi in gioco e, quindi, i contrasti tra le parti della società, difendendo nel rapporto i soggetti più deboli; così come si mette in evidenza che il prezioso bene della laicità dello Stato non è – come invece spesso si ritiene – salvaguardato da un “diritto debole”, ma solo da un diritto giusto. ---------- After being noticed the phenomenon of the rebirth of the religious fact in today’s secularized society, it is described also the impact of the ethnic-religious pluralism on the traditional realities of the government juridical arrangements; impact made even more problematic for the ascent of new powers, particularly that technical-scientific, impatient to an heteroregulation not only on the ethical plan, but also on the juridical plan. It is put therefore in evidence an increasing ambiguity that invests the biojuridical: from one side the new demand to recognize the vindicated “law to difference” from different ethnic-religious formations; from the other the demand of a uniform juridical regulation to guarantee of the orderly cohabitation around to a scale of value that has in “life” central and ultimate good to safeguard. Between the conclusions which the author comes it is, first of all, that for which the peaceful cohabitation in a multiethnic and multireligious society can be assured, in the respect of the different traditions and cultures, through the recourse to moderate and wise recognition of space to the personal law into the government arrangements, but in the rigorous limits set by the demands of guardianship of human dignity. This also touches the matter of new powers that, in the contest of globalization, impose a new elaboration of the idea of law that, departing from the picture of a system of sources that extends more and more to not be organized according to hierarchy but according to competence, inspire to the principle of the recognition of the human being in its dignity, independently from the ethnic-religious affiliation. Finally it is put in evidence the unacceptability of a “weak law”, just procedural, as substantial negation of the law function itself, which is that to prevent and/or to settle the conflicts between affairs at stake and, therefore, contrasts between the parts of the society, defending in the relationship the weakest subjects; as it is evidenced that the precious good of laity of the State is not - like instead it is often considered - safeguarded by a weak law, but only by a correct law.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 222
Author(s):  
Muhammad Zulhidayat

Pada 30 Mei 2015, FIFA sebagai induk tertinggi dari organisasi sepakbola internasional menjatuhkan sanksi kepada PSSI. Ini terjadi karena FIFA menilai adanya intervensi oleh pemerintah melalui Kementerian Pemuda dan Olahraga. Statuta FIFA pasal 13 dan 17 memperjelas bahwa ia menolak segala bentuk intervensi oleh pemerintah, politisi, media, atau pihak ketiga lainnya. Di sisi lain, Kementerian Pemuda dan Olahraga juga diberi wewenang oleh hukum untuk mengatur kegiatan olahraga secara umum dalam lingkup Negara Indonesia. Permasalahan yang akan dikaji dalam penelitian ini adalah sebagai berikut: Pertama, apa wewenang dan peran pemerintah dalam menyelenggarakan olahraga sepakbola profesional di Indonesia? Kedua, bagaimana penerapan kompetisi sepakbola di Indonesia dengan adanya Pembekuan PSSI? . Metode penelitian dalam penulisan ini menggunakan metode yuridis normatif. Kesimpulan dari penelitian ini adalah bahwa Pemerintah tidak memiliki wewenang untuk campur tangan dan ikut campur dalam menyelenggarakan kompetisi sepakbola profesional di Indonesia. Sementara itu, dengan pembekuan PSSI ini, otomatis menghentikan liga karena PSSI tidak dapat melakukan tugas dan fungsi untuk mengadakan kompetisi sepakbola profesional di Indonesia. Saran penulis dalam penelitian ini adalah Pemerintah harus optimal dalam memberikan layanan dan kenyamanan kepada PSSI dan PSSI harus transparan dalam menyelenggarakan kompetisi sepakbola profesional di Indonesia.Kata Kunci : Kewenangan, Pemerintah, PSSI AbstractOn May 30, 2015, FIFA as the supreme parent of international football  organizations imposed sanctions on the PSSI. This happens because FIFA assess the existence of intervention by the government through the Ministry of Youth and Sports. The FIFA Statutes chapters 13 and 17 make it clear that it rejects any form of intervention by governments, politicians, media, or other third parties. On the other hand, the Ministry of Youth and Sports is also authorized by law to regulate sports activities generally within the scope of the State of Indonesia. The problems to be studied in this research are as follows: Firstly, what is the authority and role of the government in organizing professional football sport in Indonesia ?, Secondly, how is the implementation of football  competition in Indonesia with the existence of PSSI Freezing ?. Research Methods in this paper using the method of normative juridical. The conclusion of this research is that the Government does not have the authority to intervene and interfere in organizing professional football  competition in Indonesia. Meanwhile, with the freezing of this PSSI, automatically stop the league because PSSI can not perform the duties and functions to hold a professional football competition in Indonesia. The author's suggestion in this research is the Government must be optimal in providing services and convenience to PSSI and PSSI must be transparent in organizing professional football competition in Indonesia.Keywords: Authority, Government, PSSI


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
JAGJEET LALLY

Abstract Across monsoon Asia, salt is of such vital necessity that controlling its production or supply has historically been connected to the establishment and expression of political authority. On the one hand, rulers maintained the allegiance of their subjects by ensuring their access to salt of suitable price and sufficient quantity. On the other hand, denying rebels their salt was a strategy of conquest and pacification, while the necessity of salt meant it could reliably be taxed to raise state finances. This article first sets out this connection of salt and sovereignty, then examining it in the context of colonial Burma, a province of British India from its annexation until its ‘divorce’ in 1935 (effected in 1937), and thus subject to the Government of India's salt monopoly. Focusing on salt brings into view two aspects of the state (while also permitting analysis of ‘Upper Burma’, which remains rather marginal in the scholarly literature). First, the everyday state and quotidian practices constitutive of its sovereignty, which was negotiated and contested where indigenes were able to exploit the chinks in the state's administrative capacity and its knowledge deficits. Second, in turn, the lumpy topography of state power. The state not only failed to restrict salt production to the extent it desired (with the intention that indigenes would rely on imported salt, whose supply was easier to control and thus tax), but conceded to a highly complex fiscal administration, the variegations in which reflected the uneven distribution in state power – thicker in the delta and thinnest in the uplands.


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