scholarly journals Problem of Statelessness in Nepal

NUTA Journal ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 64-69
Author(s):  
Rameshwor Upadhyay

This paper highlighted Nepalese statelessness issue from Nationality perspective. Nationality is one of the major human rights concerns of the citizens. In fact, citizenship is one of the major fundamental rights guaranteed by the constitution. According to the universal principle related to the statelessness, no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his or her nationality. In this connection, on one hand, this paper traced out the international legal obligations created by the conventions to the state parties in which state must bear the responsibility for making national laws to comply with the international instruments. On the other hand, this paper also appraised statelessness related lacunae and shortcomings seen in Municipal laws as well as gender discriminatory laws that has been supporting citizens to become statelessness. By virtue being a one of the modern democratic states in the world, it is the responsibility of the government to protect and promote human rights of the citizens including women and children. Finally, this paper suggests government to take necessary initiation to change and repeal the discriminatory provisions related to citizenship which are seen in the constitution and other statutory laws.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shalu Nigam

COVID-19 is posing challenges larger challenges in terms of human rights including health rights of women and children. Since the mandatory lockdown has been imposed, violence against women is exponentially rising world over. Several countries have enacted special policies, laws and programs to deal with violence against women in homes. However, India which since the 90s has witnessed widening inequalities since the policy of Liberalization, Globalization and Privatization has been introduced, right now is again facing the disastrous impact due to coronavirus. The pandemic is making adverse gender impact in two ways – 1) Middle- or upper-class women facing abuse in homes during the lockdown and 2) Poor women who have no homes or are surviving in slums or those on the roads walking back home or those awaiting in villages for migrant men to come back. The National Commission for Women has reported a rise of 94 percent in complaint cases where women have been abused in their homes during lockdown. Also, another aspect that has not received attention is increasing number of cases where migrant women, along with men, are walking hundreds of miles, some in their advanced stage of pregnancy along with their children, without food. Some are being forced to deliver babies on the roadside while others are receiving the devastating news of migrant men being dead while walking on roads. Deprivation and denial of health and other services to women and children during the COVID crisis is aggravating the disaster. Therefore, almost half a billion women are at risk in India due to the pandemic. Yet, the state has not made any comprehensive COVID response plan to tackle these challenges. Neither any formal statement is being issued to declare domestic violence as an essential service nor plans have been made to support pregnant women workers walking hundreds of miles without food and water with their children. Rather, the state after 40 days of lockdown, while easing down the restrictions, opened the liquor shops as a first step. In doing so, earning revenue is prioritized over genuine serious concerns of women. This is despite of the fact that the women’s movement has shown evidences that consumption of liquor by men is proportional to an increase in incidences of abuse. This essay investigates the gaps in the state’s response in India to the increase in incidents of violence during the lockdown and argues that a robust comprehensive plan is required to address different aspects of violence women are facing in the largest democracy. The government cannot miss the chance to protect women from violence. In order to imagine a gender just violence-free world, the need is to impose the lockdown on the collective imagination that reiterate gender-stereotypical notions and to put the viruses of patriarchy and poverty in quarantine and isolation forever. By maintaining social distancing with the misogynist ideas and developing a plan to eliminate inequalities in all forms, gender justice and human rights could be achieved and the rights guaranteed under Article 14, 15, and 21 of the Constitution can be reclaimed.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  

This GSoD In Focus Special Brief provides an overview of the state of democracy in Asia and the Pacific at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in 2020. Key fact and findings include: • Prior to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, countries across Asia and the Pacific faced a range of democratic challenges. Chief among these were continuing political fragility, violent conflict, recurrent military interference in the political sphere, enduring hybridity, deepening autocratization, creeping ethnonationalism, advancing populist leadership, democratic backsliding, shrinking civic space, the spread of disinformation, and weakened checks and balances. The crisis conditions engendered by the pandemic risk further entrenching and/or intensifying the negative democratic trends observable in the region prior to the COVID-19 outbreak. • Across the region, governments have been using the conditions created by the pandemic to expand executive power and restrict individual rights. Aspects of democratic practice that have been significantly impacted by anti-pandemic measures include the exercise of fundamental rights (notably freedom of assembly and free speech). Some countries have also seen deepened religious polarization and discrimination. Women, vulnerable groups, and ethnic and religious minorities have been disproportionately affected by the pandemic and discriminated against in the enforcement of lockdowns. There have been disruptions of electoral processes, increased state surveillance in some countries, and increased influence of the military. This is particularly concerning in new, fragile or backsliding democracies, which risk further eroding their already fragile democratic bases. • As in other regions, however, the pandemic has also led to a range of innovations and changes in the way democratic actors, such as parliaments, political parties, electoral commissions, civil society organizations and courts, conduct their work. In a number of countries, for example, government ministries, electoral commissions, legislators, health officials and civil society have developed innovative new online tools for keeping the public informed about national efforts to combat the pandemic. And some legislatures are figuring out new ways to hold government to account in the absence of real-time parliamentary meetings. • The consideration of political regime type in debates around ways of containing the pandemic also assumes particular relevance in Asia and the Pacific, a region that houses high-performing democracies, such as New Zealand and the Republic of Korea (South Korea), a mid-range performer (Taiwan), and also non-democratic regimes, such as China, Singapore and Viet Nam—all of which have, as of December 2020, among the lowest per capita deaths from COVID-19 in the world. While these countries have all so far managed to contain the virus with fewer fatalities than in the rest of the world, the authoritarian regimes have done so at a high human rights cost, whereas the democracies have done so while adhering to democratic principles, proving that the pandemic can effectively be fought through democratic means and does not necessarily require a trade off between public health and democracy. • The massive disruption induced by the pandemic can be an unparalleled opportunity for democratic learning, change and renovation in the region. Strengthening democratic institutions and processes across the region needs to go hand in hand with curbing the pandemic. Rebuilding societies and economic structures in its aftermath will likewise require strong, sustainable and healthy democracies, capable of tackling the gargantuan challenges ahead. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Irma Garwan

Abstrak Perkawinan Siri adalah salah satu bentuk masalah yang tejadi di Negara Indonesia saat ini . Permasalahn ini sangat sulit untuk dipantau oleh pihak yang berwenang, karena mereka yang melaksanakan pernikahan siri ini tidak dilaporkan pernikahan mereka kepada pihak yang berkompeten dalam hal ini yakni Kantor Urusan Agama (KUA) bagi umat muslim dan Kantor Catatan Sipil bagi yang Non Muslim. Pernikahan siri biasanya dilakukan dihadapan tokoh masyarakat atau ustad sebagai Penghulu, atau ada juga yang dilakukan secara adat-istiadat saja kemudian tidak dilaporkan kepada pihak yang berwenang untuk dicatatkan sesuai ketentuan undang-undang No.1 tahun 1974 tentang Perkawinan pada pasal 2 ayat (2) yang berbunyi “tiaptiap perkawinan dicatat menurut peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku. Adapun masalah pencatatan perkawinan yang tidak dilaksanakan tidaklah menganggu keabsahan suatu perkawinan yang telah dilaksanakan sesuai hukum islam . karena sekedar menyangkut aspek administrative. Hanya saja jika suatu perwainan tidak dicatatkan, maka suamiistri tersebut tidak memiliki bukti otentik bahwa mereka telah melaksanakan suatu perkawinan yang sah. Akibatnya, dilihat dari aspek yuridis, perkawinan tersebut tidak diakui pemerintah, sehingga tidak mempunyai kekuatan hukum. Dampak positif maupun negative juga menyertai praktk perkawinan siri diantaranya untuk dampak positifnya meminimalisasi adanya perzinaan melalui seks bebas. Namun disisi lain juga dampak negatifnya adalah merugikan banyak pihak terutama hak dan kewajiban wanita dan anakanak dari perkawinan siri tersebut. Akibat hukumnya bagi perkawinan yang tidak memiliki Akte Nikah, secara Yuridis suami atau istri serta anak yang dilahirkan tidak dapat melakukan tindakan hukum keperdataan berkaitan dengan rumah tangganya. Anak-anaknya hanya akan diakui oleh Negara sebagai anak diluar kawin yang hanya memiliki hubungan keperdataan dengan ibu dan keluarga ibunya. Kata Kunci: Hak-hak anak dari pernikahan siri, peerceraian Abstract Siri marriage is one form of the problem that occurred in the State of Indonesia today. Cases is very difficult to be monitored by the authorities, because those who perform marriages this series not reported their marriage to the competent authorities in this case the Office of Religious Affairs (KUA) to Muslims and the Civil Registry for the non-Muslims. Wedding series is usually done before the community leader or cleric as a prince, or some are performed by customs only then are not reported to the authorities to be listed in accordance with the law No.1 of 1974 on Marriage in Article 2 paragraph (2) which reads "every marriage is recorded in accordance with the legislation in force. As for the issue of marriage registration were not carried out would not interfere with the validity of a marriage that has been conducted in accordance with Islamic law. because simply linked to administrative aspects. Only if a perwainan is not listed, then the couple have no authentic evidence that it has executed a valid marriage. As a result, the views from the juridical aspect, the marriage is not recognized by the government, so it does not have the force of law. Positive and negative impacts also accompany praktk marriage siri them to minimize their positive impact through free sex adultery. On the other hand also the negative impact is detrimental to many parties, especially the rights and obligations of women and children from the marriage siri. As a result of the consequences of the marriage that do not have a Marriage Certificate, in Juridical husband or wife and children who are born unable to perform civil legal action related to the household. Her children will only be recognized by the State as a child beyond the mating just have a civil relationship with her mother and her mother's family. Keywords: Children's rights from siri marriage, divorce


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 198
Author(s):  
Elwidarifa Marwenny ◽  
Engrina Fauzi ◽  
Jelisye Putri Cenery

One of the form of applying the value of democratic in Indonesia is accommodate by the regulation of community organization which is concretely regulated in the provisions of article 28 E Paragraph 3 of the 1945 constitution also in the provisions of law number 39 of 1999 on Human Rights. The existence of community organizations does have a great constribution in the implementation of the state, but on the other hand the existence of people raises the pro and contra. The enecment of government regulation number 59 on community organization established by foreign citizens makes the community more worried if the exixtance of community organizations affect the sovereignty of NKRI because they have different ideology with Indonesia. Based on this, it should be discussed about the organizations in Indonesia. The position of foreign social organizatios in Indonesia is reviwed from the government regulation number 59 of 2016 on community organizations established by foreign citizens and the influence of basic organizations for the sovereignty of NKRI. To answer that question, qualitative method is used  as a means to answer the problem by conducting of normative juridical approach which is done by reviewing the law and the literature. Based on this study, it is concluded that the existence of foreign social organizatios in Indonesia in line with  democracy and human right but also politically can treaten NKRI.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Linda Evirianti

Everyone has the right of religious freedom or belief which becomes one of important parts of Human Rights (HAM/Hak Asasi Manusia). Thus, no one can be subjected to coercion that can interfere his freedom to adopt or embrace a religion or belief of his choice. The main characteristic of modern constitutional state is the guarantee of human rights in its constitution. In the Constitution NKRI 1945 has set human rights and the rights of citizens in the form of guarantees freedom for each citizen to embrace religion and worship according to their religion or belief. A state guarantees the freedom of each citizen to adopt a religion or belief, but the state (the government) must regulate the freedom in implementing and practicing a religion or belief so that the government can respect, protect, enforce and promote Human Right (HAM) and conserving security, order, health or public morals. Speaking of human rights in Islam is not an historical product arising from human ideology, a concept that has a theological dimension and will be accountable to God. Freedom of thought, conscience, religion and belief is part of the most important human rights, even have status as a right that should not be reduced and violated under any circumstances. On the other hand, religious freedom protects the phenomenon that can be controversial and dangerous for human existence, because religion and systems of ideological belief can be misused to trigger intolerance, discrimination, prejudice, hatred, and violence.[Setiap orang berhak atas kebebasan beragama atau kepercayaan yang menjadi salah satu bagian penting Hak Asasi Manusia. Dengan demikian, tidak ada yang bisa terkena paksaan yang bisa mengganggu kebebasannya untuk mengadopsi atau menganut agama atau kepercayaan pilihannya. Karakteristik utama negara konstitusional modern adalah jaminan hak asasi manusia dalam konstitusinya. Dalam Konstitusi NKRI 1945 telah menetapkan hak asasi manusia dan hak warga negara dalam bentuk jaminan kebebasan bagi setiap warga negara untuk merangkul agama dan ibadah sesuai agama atau kepercayaan mereka. Sebuah negara menjamin kebebasan setiap warga negara untuk mengadopsi agama atau kepercayaan, namun negara (pemerintah) harus mengatur kebebasan dalam melaksanakan dan mempraktikkan agama atau kepercayaan sehingga pemerintah dapat menghormati, melindungi, menerapkan dan mempromosikan Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM). Dan melestarikan keamanan, ketertiban, kesehatan atau moral publik. Berbicara tentang hak asasi manusia dalam Islam bukanlah produk historis yang muncul dari ideologi manusia, sebuah konsep yang memiliki dimensi teologis dan akan bertanggung jawab kepada Tuhan. Kebebasan berpikir, hati nurani, agama dan kepercayaan adalah bagian dari hak asasi manusia yang paling penting, bahkan memiliki status sebagai hak yang tidak boleh dikurangi dan dilanggar dalam kondisi apapun. Di sisi lain, kebebasan beragama melindungi fenomena yang bisa kontroversial dan berbahaya bagi eksistensi manusia, karena agama dan sistem kepercayaan ideologis dapat disalahgunakan untuk memicu intoleransi, diskriminasi, prasangka, kebencian, dan kekerasan.]


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-36
Author(s):  
I Made Budi Arsika ◽  
Ida Bagus Surya Dharma Jaya ◽  
Ni Gusti Ayu Dyah Satyawati

Penerbitan travel warning oleh suatu negara secara faktual berdampak pada tingkat kunjungan wisata ke negara yang dituju. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis mengenai praktik negara-negara, termasuk Indonesia, dalam menerapkan kebijakan travel warning. Selain itu, juga secara spesifik akan membahas korelasi antara kebijakan travel warning dengan eksistensi hak berwisata (right to tourism) dalam kerangka hak asasi manusia (HAM). Jenis penelitian ini adalah yuridis-normatif yang utamanya menganalisis peraturan perundang-undangan nasional Indonesia dan instrumen internasional yang relevan. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa praktik negara-negara dalam dalam penerbitan kebijakan travel warning menunjukkan variasi yang relatif beragam, terutama berkaitan dengan identifikasi risiko dan lembaga yang berwenang untuk menyampaikan imbauan perjalanan. Berkaitan dengan eksistensi hak berwisata (right to tourism) dalam kerangka HAM, kebijakan travel warning merupakan implementasi dari kewajiban negara untuk melindungi warga negaranya ketika mereka berada di luar negeri sekaligus merefleksikan tindakan negara untuk menjamin terpenuhinya hak-hak mendasar warga negaranya. Adapun pembatasan hak berwisata oleh negara sesungguhnya dilakukan dalam rangka menjamin terpenuhinya jenis HAM lain yang jauh lebih mendasar dibandingkan dengan pemenuhan hak berwisata yang justru masih dikategorikan sebagai HAM generasi ketiga dan eksistensinya masih diperdebatkan.The publication of travel warning by a country factually impacts the level of tourist visit to the destination country. This study aims to analyze the practice of countries, including Indonesia, in applying travel warning policy. In addition, also specifically will discuss the correlation between travel warning policy with the existence of rights of travel (right to tourism) within the framework of human rights (HAM). This type of research is juridical-normative which primarily analyzes Indonesian national legislation and relevant international instruments. The results of this study indicate that the practice of countries in the issuance of travel warning policy shows a relatively diverse variety, mainly related to the identification of risks and institutions authorized to deliver travel appeals. In relation to the existence of the right of tourism within the human rights framework, the travel warning policy is the implementation of the state’s obligation to protect its citizens while abroad while reflecting the state’s actions to ensure the fulfillment of the fundamental rights of its citizens. The limitation of travel rights by the state is actually done in order to guarantee the fulfillment of other types of human rights that are far more fundamental than the fulfillment of travel rights that are still categorized as third-generation human rights and its existence is still disputed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 197
Author(s):  
Mufutau Olusola Bello

Ekiti State is one of the States in the South Western part of Nigeria. The dominant religions in the State are Christianity and Islam. Like other parts of the world, there is a strong wave of Islamic revivalism by the Muslims while the Christians are not relenting in their evangelism to draw more people to their fold. One of the expressions of the revivalism by the Muslims is the voluntary adoption of the hijāb by many female Muslims. Consequently, the average female Muslim is a Mājubah of one sort or the other. The state is now faced with teeming number of women who wants to use the hijāb in the Western based schools and the government official work places. Many of them are now faced with either to remove the hijāb because of education or to look for a white collar job in the State while others who want to strictly hold to their faith were making agitations for the use of the hijāb. The paper looks at the concept of hijāb in Islam, the mode of dressing in Ekiti State, its compatibility and the differences with the traditional dressing in the State and the dynamics of the agitation for the adoption of the use of hijāb. The work made use of both primary and secondary sources. Islamic literature, archival materials and pamphlets were consulted while interviews were made with relevant personalities in the state. The result revealed a good approach adopted by the government of Ekiti State in taking care of the agitations of the Muslims on the use of hijab in government official places of work and students in formal public schools. The Ekiti model is therefore suggested to be adapted and adopted by other states in Nigeria where the problem of hijab have snowballed into crises 


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 114
Author(s):  
Fransiska Novita Eleanora ◽  
Andang Sari

Humans born into the world have declared their rights and naturalrights as gifts from the Almighty, God and every State must recognize them aslegal subjects who must always be respected and protected to realize human valueswell. Therefore; no one can or can act negatively, including the state or even theauthorities or the government. Conceptually, a country that is expected to realizeit is only a legal state that is considered legitimate and adheres to the notion ofdemocracy, namely democracy will become a rule and law. The realization of therule of law is to take action against perpetrators who are proven to have committedcrimes and human rights violations. This paper explains that there are still manycases of gross violations of human rights that have not been clearly revealed andthe perpetrators have not been given appropriate punishment, by giving sanctionsto the perpetrators, so that law enforcement is not realized. The embodiment ofthe rule of law is that it can capture cases of gross violators of human rights andconvict the perpetrators in accordance with the laws that apply in accordance withthe characteristics of the rule of law. The problem is whether law enforcement hasbeen realized especially in human rights violations and can be resolved throughnegotiation, conciliation and mediation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paulo André Stein Messetti ◽  
Dalmo De Abreu Dallari

Introduction: Human dignity, as coined by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR / 1948), is an expression social solidarity, which should cement the relations between people. Human dignity is the foundation of all rights, such as freedom, equality, justice and peace in the world, and in Brazil, human dignity was deemed a fundamental pillar of the country’s post-1988 constitutional order. Objective: This article seeks to a deeper investigation about the social nature of human dignity and its definition over time.     Methods: This is an exploratory research meant to unpack the concepts of "human dignity", "bioethics", "human rights" and "constitution". After describing the conceptual evolution of human dignity and the facts relevant to its conceptual formation in world history - as a normative standard and a legal rule -, we address the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR/1948), the Declaration of Helsinki (DH/1964), the Universal Declaration on Bioethics and Human Rights (UDBHR/2005), and the definition adopted in the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil (CFRB/1988). The study was carried out without temporal limitation, and included a review of referenced books, legal doctrines, as well as articles and books in the SciELO database. Results and discussion: The findings ratify that human dignity is the foundation of all rights, including those of freedom, equality, justice and peace in the world, and must also guide the rights and duties of social regulation. Human dignity has changed from a criterion of power attributed to the social position of individuals to a value of the right to freedom, which now goes beyond the right of freedom and is the basis of modern constitutional democracy, which makes possible the realization of solidarity, as well as the duty and purpose of the state and the community. The will of the subject, of society, of the science and of the state, as well as the rules of domination and regulation, must have a limit on human dignity, and human dignity is not just fundamental right, in the sense of the Constitution, and must prevail over the exclusive will of science, the State and society. Therefore, in the making of power decisions and in realization of possible innovations of science involving human beings, human dignity demands the explicit consideration of respect and promotion of it. Conclusion: Human dignity is enshrined in Brazilian constitutional law, as well as in bioethics and in human rights, and it constitutes all the fundamental rights of the human person. It is not merely a rule of autonomy and liberty, and it is an obligatory and non-derogable precept in the making of power decisions, a true main foundation of constitutional democracies.  


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadir Nadir

The existence of radicalism movement recently has made us worried about the nation and state life in the world order, since this movement is able to attract others from various elements of people and states that the teachings and ideology the movement offers are good. This movement at last will influence either the national or international stability because it is wellorganized. Therefore, it is necessary to reinforce the recognition and assurance of human rights especially the prosperity of the state that may make Indonesian people easy to be attracted by any offerings given by the groups of this radical movement. If in the past the movement of human rights was constructed by the thinkers due to arbitrarv rulers, at present human rights is moved and thought in order to strengthen the national integration. The alarming development of trans- national radicalism movements has given impacts on a national disintegration, therefore, the principle of recogmtion and assurance in the protection of human rights is lead to protect, save, and to assure the prosperity porn the state since few peoplejoining in a radical movement are not caused ofjihad but of economic reasons. If the state seriously give some recognition and assurance of human rights, the citizens feel to be protected. This in turns results in a sympathetic emphatic feelings to the government and the state, and therefore the national integration will still be kept intact and well-woven.


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