The Political Economy of Labor Employment Decisions: Evidence from China

2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (10) ◽  
pp. 4703-4725
Author(s):  
Zhaoyang Gu ◽  
Song Tang ◽  
Donghui Wu

In China’s transitional economy, one of the major objectives of the government is to maintain social stability. We hypothesize that, through state ownership and appointment of executives, Chinese government officials can influence firms’ labor employment decisions by limiting layoffs when firms’ sales decline. Consistent with this hypothesis, we find that state-owned enterprises (SOEs) have stickier labor costs than non-SOEs, and the presence of politically connected managers makes labor costs even stickier in SOEs while having little effect in non-SOEs. Such effects are stronger in regions with weak market institutions and during time periods when government officials are to be promoted. We also show that the government reciprocates SOEs’ sticky labor policies with subsequent subsidies. This paper was accepted by Suraj Srinivasan, accounting.

MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
David Broadstock ◽  
Xiaoqi Chen ◽  
C. S. Agnes Cheng ◽  
Wenli Huang

ABSTRACT We investigate whether the aggregated political relations of a firm's top management team (TMT) add value to the firm's performance. We distinguish between the political relations that arise from TMT's own work experience, which are termed direct political connections (DPC), and the relations that TMT develops from working for the same institution with the government officials, which are termed implicit political connections (IPC). We find that IPC are positively associated with firm performance and that they often have a stronger effect than DPC do. We also find that the effect of IPC on firm value is stronger in SOEs and in firms located in under-developed provinces. Moreover, we find that after the anti-corruption campaign, the effect of DPC decreases but the effect of IPC does not significantly change. Overall, our results suggest the importance of investigating a firm's aggregated political connections, especially its IPC. JEL Classifications: G32; D72; J33; L33. Data Availability: Data are available from the public sources cited in the text.


Author(s):  
James Robert Masterson

Widespread use of social media in China is a double edged sword: social media offers opportunities for the government to connect with society, gauge the opinion of citizens in the public domain, and allow citizens to voice their anger when necessary by blowing off steam online rather than in the streets. However, social media also allows citizens to access information outside of China much more rapidly and efficiently and to link up and communicate with other citizens much more quickly. Social media allows users to share texts, photos, and files, making it much more difficult for the government to control information and to thwart organizing for political purposes. In some instances, the use of social media has forced the Chinese government to take actions that it otherwise would not have done or to reverse actions or policies already set in place. The goal of this chapter is to illustrate the double-edged sword that social media poses to government officials in China, particularly high-level party officials in Beijing.


Author(s):  
Daniel R. Hammond

In 2007 the Chinese government nationally implemented the rural dibao programme. The chapter argues that while the circumstances of rural dibao’s implementation were different from its urban predecessor there are three striking similarities. First, in terms of values, it is argued that the rural dibao programme did fit comfortably with the agenda under Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao to address China’s unequal development and in particular the san nong wenti of the countryside. However, the process surrounding implementation of the rural programme also carried appeals to social stability. Second, the political structure had a significant impact on the implementation of the rural MLG. As with the urban programme implementation faced local intransigence. This was overcome by not only using similar means as with the urban programme; but also through explicitly dealing with one common source of problems, funding. Finally, there is the problem of administrative capacity in running the rural MLG programme. This appears as a classic outcome of the fragmented political and decision making structure in China where local government, often struggling to meet mandates passed down from above, prioritises the resources it has. What this all shows is that the challenges facing social assistance in China are not specific to the urban or the rural programme; but are a consequence of the structure of the state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 1708
Author(s):  
Feng Kong ◽  
Shao Sun

The natural advantages of enterprises in capital, technology, and equipment make them have great potential in disaster management. How to ensure enterprises participate in disaster prevention and mitigation efficiently is a responsibility that the government must undertake, on the other hand, it can also relieve the pressure of the government. This paper first introduces the continuous improvement of enterprises’ role in disaster management. Then, this paper analyzes the political responsibility, legal responsibility, social responsibility, and economical responsibility of the government in an enterprises’ participation in disaster management. This paper further analyzes enterprises’ deficiencies in disaster management and the multi role of the government in enterprises’ participation in disaster management. Finally, this paper puts forward the pathways of the Chinese government to promote enterprises to participate in disaster management.


Subject Government-INE tensions. Significance The National Electoral Institute (INE) on February 6 ratified Edmundo Jacobo Molina as its general secretary for another six-year term. The decision, taken with the support of eight of the INE’s eleven-member General Council, has reignited tensions between the government of President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) and the INE leadership, particularly Council President Lorenzo Cordova. Several government officials have accused Cordova and his fellow councillors of undemocratic behavior for having brought forward the vote, which was originally scheduled for April 10 -- six days after the Chamber of Deputies is due to appoint four new members to the Council. Impacts The fact that AMLO’s name will not be on the ballot in next year’s legislative elections could be a disadvantage for Morena. In its current weakened state, the political opposition is unlikely to put up an effective fight to uphold the INE’s independence. The four new INE Council members appointed in April will help organise elections in 2024 and 2027, as well as the 2021 midterms.


Author(s):  
Akhmadjon Kholikulov ◽  
◽  
Ozodbek Nematovich Nematov ◽  

Information on political relations between the government of the Emirate of Bukhara and the principalities of the Kashkadarya oasis in the early XIX-XX centuries is reflected in the works of local historians and Russian tourists, diplomats, the military. Local historians such as Muhammad Mirolim Bukhari, Muhammad Siddiq, Mirzo Abdulazim Somi, Mushrif Bukhari, Ahmad Donish, Mirzo Salimbek, who lived and worked during this period, were government officials and dedicated their works to the reigns of the Mangit emirs.


2014 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 495-506 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jieru Bai

This article analyzes the role of social work in the context of the special political, economic, cultural, and historical background in China. A historical perspective is used to understand the evolution of the Chinese welfare system and explain the timing of reintroducing the social work profession. A pluralistic perspective is adopted to define social work relating to different stakeholders in social welfare and services. The government starts to diminish its role as a direct service provider. The traditional family and community have less capacity to take care of people. Yet, the social work profession is not ready to take over. Finally, a social development perspective is used to illustrate why economic growth is prioritized by the Chinese government and social work as profession is supposed to work to promote social stability and prosperity. Implications for social work research and practice are discussed.


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dan Bogart ◽  
Latika Chaudhary

This paper studies the relationship between operational costs and state ownership in Indian railways between 1874 and 1912. We find the move to state ownership significantly decreased working expenses. The cost declines are not driven by anticipation effects, changes in reporting standards, or long run trends. Rather, the evidence suggests the colonial Government of India reduced operational costs by cutting labor costs. Our surprising results can be explained by the undemocratic colonial nature of the Government of India, a fiscal system heavily reliant on railways for revenues, and a regulatory environment under private ownership that weakened incentives to lower costs. (JEL L32, L51, L92, N45, N75, O18, R41)


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 1298-1311
Author(s):  
F. M. Asadov

The publication is a commented translation from Arabic into Russian of an extract from the book by Hilal al-Sabi (Abū'l-Ḥusayn Hilāl b. Muḥassin b. Ibrahīm al- Ṣābi 969–1056 AD) “Kitāb al-Wuzarā’ ” (The Book of Wazirs. The extract comprises an account about the circumstances and conditions of a lease agreement between the wazir of the Caliph al- Mu‘tadid billah (r. 892–902 AD) and a certain Muhammad at-Tai concerning the fertile lands of Central and Southern Iraq. The translation is introduced by a preface, which outlines the political and economic situation in the caliphate in the year of the accession of the caliph al-Mu‘tadid to the throne and explains the reasons for the emergence of the tax-farming deals during the rule of the Abbasid caliphs. The extract also provides the description of the circumstances of the agreement as well as provides the actual text of the document. Altogether they describe the relations between the government officials and the tax-farming dealers in the Abbasid caliphate at the end of the 9th century AD. They offer a vivid picture of creating corruption schemes to enrich government bureaucracy and tax dealers. They also provide many interesting details, which illustrate the life of the caliph court and the army.


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