scholarly journals Opinião Pública e Política Externa: Do Consenso de Almond-Lippmann às Redes Sociais l Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: From The Almond-Lippmann Consensus to Social Media

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. e58702
Author(s):  
Gustavo Jordan Ferreira Alves
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Traditional Media ◽  
The Social ◽  
Qualitative Methodologies

Neste artigo apresento uma linha cronológica que debate a relação entre opinião pública e temas de política externa ao longo das décadas. Demonstro as teorizações que trabalham com o consenso de Almond-Lippmann até as mais recentes teorias sobre opinião pública na era das redes sociais. Utilizando metodologias quantitativas e qualitativas, principalmente através de uma revisão da literatura já consolidada, apresento a conclusão de que em tal cronologia prevalece a perspectiva de que os eleitores de democracias como os Estados Unidos ou Brasil são majoritariamente desatentos a temas internacionais, mas não necessariamente irracionais em tais assuntos. Nesse sentido, no atual quadro de polarização política, em que mandatários como Donald Trump (2017-2021) e Jair Bolsonaro (2019-) utilizam massivamente redes sociais, surgem novos questionamentos nesse debate, desafiando o papel da mídia tradicional, especialmente depois da popularização dessas novas ferramentas de comunicação.Palavras-chave: Opinião Pública; Política Externa; Mídia.ABSTRACTIn this paper, it is presented a chronology that debates the relation between public opinion and foreign affairs subjects throughout the decades. I demonstrate theories starting from the Almond-Lippmann consensus until more recent ones discussing public opinion on the social media age. By using quantitative and qualitative methodologies, specially through reviewing the literature about public opinion and foreign policy that along the decades became reference in this realm, it is possible conclude that prevails the perspective that voters from democracies such as the United States and Brazil are mostly inattentive in international matters, however, they are not necessarily irrational. In this sense, the recent process of polarization in politics, where leaders such as Donald Trump (2017-2021) and Jair Bolsonaro (2019-) are constantly using social media, brings new questionings to this debate, challenging the role of the traditional media, especially after the popularization of those new communication tools.Keywords: Public Opinion; Foreign Policy; Media. Recebido em: 27/03/2021 | Aceito em: 17/08/2021. 

The Human Factor of Cybercrime

2021 ◽  
pp. 089443932110115
Author(s):  
Benoît Dupont ◽  
Thomas Holt
Keyword(s):  
Human Factor ◽  
The United States ◽  
Complex Interplay ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Social ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Qualitative Methodologies ◽  
Societal Dimensions ◽  
Individual Human

This volume highlights the central role of the human factor in cybercrime and the need to develop a more interdisciplinary research agenda to understand better the constant evolution of online harms and craft more effective responses. The term “human factor” is understood very broadly and encompasses individual, institutional, and societal dimensions. It covers individual human behaviors and the social structures that enable collective action by groups and communities of various sizes, as well as the different types of institutional assemblages that shape societal responses. This volume is organized around three general themes whose complementary perspectives allow us to map the complex interplay between offenders, machines, and victims, moving beyond static typologies to offer a more dynamic analysis of the cybercrime ecology and its underlying behaviors. The contributions use quantitative and qualitative methodologies and bring together researchers from the United States, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Denmark, Australia, and Canada.

Using Memes to Carve a Space for Undocumented Latino/a Visibility and to Tackle Fossilized Myths

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 12-34
Author(s):  
Kaitlin E. Thomas
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Media ◽  
Nonprofit Organization ◽  
The United States ◽  
Generation Z ◽  
The Social ◽  
Online Activism ◽  
Cultural Functions ◽  
The Impact

This article considers the impact of memes shared among Millennial and Generation Z–oriented Latino/a social media outlets during the years 2014–17, and proposes reading memes as viable microliterary texts. Through the examination of many dozens of memes and hundreds of Facebook posts from the nonprofit organization UndocuMedia, I have identified two themes that reoccur with notable frequency: (in)visibility and knowledge. As expressed within the memetic platform, these themes have cultural functions beyond superficial banter: humor detracts from political absurdity, arguing points permits one to assume defensive and protective postures, and connecting with friends expands the network of allies. I first define memes and explain how they might be read as socially conscious microliterary texts. I then examine selected meme examples to illustrate how they are shared with the intent to challenge the social and political marginalization that has long plagued the undocumented Latino/a demographic in the United States and to debunk long–held fossilized myths. I conclude by discussing the role of accompanying hashtags and emoji in the process of transplanting online activism to the offline world.

scholarly journals Political Persona 2016 - an Introduction

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. David Marshall ◽  
Neil Henderson
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Human Interaction ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Political Event ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
Human World ◽  
The Individual

It seems politics invades everything. We can rarely think of any activity, any building, any human-to-human interaction and not see some political dimension infiltrating and shaping it. And this very interpretation, in its language of invasion and infiltration, implies that politics’ ubiquity is not necessarily a wanted accomplice in our human world. Nonetheless, its presence is expected, its strategic intentions acknowledged and negotiated.What is interesting is that persona—at least as it has been explored and defined in Persona Studies so far—always has a political dimension. It has been identified as a strategic identity, a form of negotiation of the individual in their foray into a collective world of the social (Marshall and Barbour). Persona is a fabricated reconstruction of the individual that is used to play a role that both helps the individual navigate their presence and interactions with others and helps the collective to position the role of the individual in the social. Persona is imbued with politics at its core.In this issue of Persona Studies, we explore political persona, a characterisation roiled in redundancy if our definitions above are adopted. The essays gathered in this collection debate these definitional affinities, and augment and nuance many other dimensions that help delineate what constitutes political persona. In this introductory essay, we will use the collected work on political persona that is developed in this issue to better define political persona. But before we evaluate and identify the intersections of our contributors’ work, we want to begin our exploration with what makes political persona constitutively different today than in the past. Can we identify through some of the most prominent political personas—Donald Trump, Hillary Clinton, and Bernie Sanders in the United States’ 2016 Presidential campaign, for example—and through a study of a major political event—Brexit in 2016 in the U.K.—whether something has shifted and changed in these cultures?

scholarly journals The press and Brazilian Foreign Policy: Brazil’s participation at the 1962 Punta del Este Conference

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 348-373
Author(s):  
Ana Carolina Marson
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Policy Issue ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Analysis Method ◽  
American States ◽  
Content Analysis Method ◽  
The Press ◽  
Foreign Policy Issue

This paper seeks to comprehend how a portion of the Brazilian public opinion, specifically the press, understood Brazil’s participation in the Eighth Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, held in Punta del Este, Uruguay, in January 1962 – the Punta del Este Conference. This was a decisive meeting since it culminated in the expulsion of Cuba from the Organization of American States (OAS), because of the pressure exerted by the United States. Brazil distinguished itself for leading a group of countries against Cuba’s expulsion, based on the principle of self-determination and non-intervention. Although some authors believe the Punta del Este Conference to be the first event to massively mobilize the Brazilian public opinion around a foreign policy issue, they are not clear about what they understand as the concept of public opinion or how it positioned itself about Brazil’s participation in the Conference. Thus, this paper focuses on the coverage of three newspapers of national circulation (Jornal do Brasil, O Estado de São Paulo and Última Hora) between November 1961 and March 1962 to understand, through a content analysis method, how the press evaluated Brazil’s participation in the Punta del Este Conference. The results point to a bigger support of the Brazilian position and the Independent Foreign Policy.       Recebido em: Agosto/2019. Aprovado em: julho/2020.

Social Science and US Foreign Affairs

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joy Rohde
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Social Science ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
The Social

Since the social sciences began to emerge as scholarly disciplines in the last quarter of the 19th century, they have frequently offered authoritative intellectual frameworks that have justified, and even shaped, a variety of U.S. foreign policy efforts. They played an important role in U.S. imperial expansion in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Scholars devised racialized theories of social evolution that legitimated the confinement and assimilation of Native Americans and endorsed civilizing schemes in the Philippines, Cuba, and elsewhere. As attention shifted to Europe during and after World War I, social scientists working at the behest of Woodrow Wilson attempted to engineer a “scientific peace” at Versailles. The desire to render global politics the domain of objective, neutral experts intensified during World War II and the Cold War. After 1945, the social sciences became increasingly central players in foreign affairs, offering intellectual frameworks—like modernization theory—and bureaucratic tools—like systems analysis—that shaped U.S. interventions in developing nations, guided nuclear strategy, and justified the increasing use of the U.S. military around the world. Throughout these eras, social scientists often reinforced American exceptionalism—the notion that the United States stands at the pinnacle of social and political development, and as such has a duty to spread liberty and democracy around the globe. The scholarly embrace of conventional political values was not the result of state coercion or financial co-optation; by and large social scientists and policymakers shared common American values. But other social scientists used their knowledge and intellectual authority to critique American foreign policy. The history of the relationship between social science and foreign relations offers important insights into the changing politics and ethics of expertise in American public policy.

Public Opinion and Foreign Policy

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua D. Kertzer
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Sex And Gender ◽  
Public Preferences ◽  
The Public ◽  
Policy Attitudes ◽  
And Gender

How does the public think about foreign affairs, and how do these public preferences shape foreign policymaking? Over the past several decades, scholarship on public opinion and foreign policy has proliferated, partially due to a growing interest in the “first image” and the ways in which individuals matter in international relations, partially due to an experimental revolution that gave political scientists new methods they could use to study public opinion, and partially due to a range of searing debates—on topics ranging from the Iraq War to globalization—whose fault lines political scientists attempted to map. Scholarship in this area is thus so vast that it is impossible to comprehensively capture in an annotated bibliography of this length. Instead, the discussion that follows focuses on a curated sampling of the field, focusing, in particular, on six sets of substantive questions, drawing on a mix of classic and contemporary scholarship. It begins by reviewing what we know about how foreign policy attitudes are structured, before focusing on public opinion about two different areas of foreign policy: the use of force, and foreign economic issues like trade and investment. It then turns to the effects of sex and gender, along with the role of cue givers in shaping foreign policy preferences—whether partisan elites, international organizations, or social peers. It concludes by reviewing the relationship between public opinion and foreign policy, whether in democracies (as in theories of democratic constraint and accountability), transnational public opinion (as in theories of soft power and anti-Americanism), or in nondemocratic regimes, a relatively new area of research.

scholarly journals PROPAGANDA FIREHOSE OF FALSEHOOD PADA PEMILU 2019 DI INDONESIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ach Haqqi
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Media ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Campaign Strategy ◽  
The Social

The firehose of falsehood propaganda that occurred in Indonesia, in the presidential and vice presidential elections in 2019, was a political campaign strategy that was know effective sufficient to achieve one goal such as what Donald Trump did in elections in the United States of America. The social media burgeoned was so enable for every candidate to use the firehose of falsehood propaganda technique without exception in Indonesia.

The Role of the Judiciary in Foreign Affairs To Be Duly Recognised, with Special Reference to the Supreme Court of the USA

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (2) ◽  
pp. 330-361
Author(s):  
Riaan Eksteen
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Policy Outcomes ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Presidential Decisions

The judiciary’s influence on foreign affairs has been neglected for too long as the focus has been confined to the role of the two political branches – thus, a state-centrism orientation. Studies on foreign affairs confirm this omission. Hence, the question: what is the role of the judiciary in foreign affairs and what precisely is its influence? Consequential decisions by the Supreme Court of the United States (“SCOTUS”) underscore the extent of the court’s engagement with foreign policy-related issues. While the political branches of government most directly determine foreign-policy outcomes, the contribution of the court by way of its relevance and influence is no less significant. Its impact is incontrovertible. The executive can no longer assume that its actions in foreign affairs will not be scrutinised and evaluated constitutionally. Presidential decisions often stem from overreach, especially in matters with implications for foreign affairs. Over the years, it has become increasingly apparent that the President is not immune from rebuke. SCOTUS is the only constitutional interpreter and consequently a vital compass. The result is that the executive has to bend to the judiciary. The latter will not accommodate the former when its judicial mandate is to interpret the Constitution in order to make clear what the executive has decreed, however unpalatable that may be to the executive. The response by SCOTUS is no longer confined to single, isolated cases; it has become widespread. The court no longer shies away from displaying judicial power when it is faced with cases dealing with foreign affairs. What SCOTUS has declared unequivocally is that when the political branches are allowed to switch the Constitution on or off at will, this will lead to a regime in which the executive, and not SCOTUS, says what the law is. This article concludes that the recognition of this role of SCOTUS in foreign affairs is long overdue.

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE CURRENT FRENCH FOREIGN POLICY ACTIVITY

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-79
Author(s):  
Nargiza Sodikova ◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Security ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Modern Time ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Interests ◽  
French Foreign Policy

Important aspects of French foreign policy and national interests in the modern time,France's position in international security and the specifics of foreign affairs with the United States and the European Union are revealed in this article

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