City, Congress, Wealth, Health

2021 ◽  
pp. 611-631
Author(s):  
Eric Van Young
Keyword(s):  
Mexico City ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
The State ◽  
City Council ◽  
Respiratory Problems ◽  
Single Term ◽  
Considerable Discussion

Despite his increasingly fragile health (respiratory problems for which he sought relief in long stays at the Hacienda de Atlacomulco in the lower, warmer climate of the Cuernavaca area), the years after the war were frenetic ones for Alamán. He assumed the leadership of the Mexico City ayuntamiento (city council) for a time, founded the Conservative Party in 1848, established a second conservative daily in 1849, served a single term in Congress, and was nominated for president in 1851 (this did not prosper for lack of widespread support). The chapter devotes considerable discussion to the state of his health and to his wealth, with an analysis of his testament of about 1850.

Inventing Canada in the Mulroney Years

1993 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 463-478
Author(s):  
George Feaver
Keyword(s):  
Conservative Party ◽  
The State ◽  
Central Feature ◽  
Constitutional Politics ◽  
Know How ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
Pierre Trudeau ◽  
Political Bargaining ◽  
Examination Question ◽  
Bargaining Table

‘IF THE STATE DID NOT EXIST, WE WOULD HAVE TO INVENT IT. Comment.’ Few of the responses to this examination question qualified its suggestion that the state might be amenable to instantaneous contrivance or conscious design. The oversight on the part of my undergraduate charges pointed to the still potent legacy of a generation of Canadian political artificers whose projects of inventing the Canadian state had abetted the rise of a species of ‘constitutional politics’ given to the ever more elaborate concoction of comprehensive solutions to Canada's vexing constitutional shortcomings. These projects tended to politicize historically embedded elements in the constitutional order, serviceable if imperfect, which had been conventionally regarded as resistant beyond redemption to improved reformulation. This new-style politics was at centre stage in the long and eventful prime ministerial years of the Liberal Party's Pierre Trudeau, the great Cartesian inventor par excellence of the contemporary Canadian state. It would remain a central feature of the nine-year incumbency of Trudeau's Conservative Party successor, Brian Mulroney. Trudeau's vision of a reinvented Canada had proceeded from his background preparation for public life as an academic constitutional lawyer. Mulroney, aiming to finesse what the more cerebral Trudeau could not, would bring to bear on the affairs of the Canadian state the skills of a labour lawyer with the know-how to get Canada's perennially fractious provinces and interest groups to the political bargaining table, there to resolve once and for all any constitutional differences still outstanding.

The 1992 Referendum in South Africa

1993 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annette Strauss
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
The State ◽  
Reform Process ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Party ◽  
White Voters ◽  
The Right

The ruling National Party (N.P.) asked white voters during the 1989 election campaign for a mandate to negotiate with all concerned about a new constitution, an undivided South Africa, one citizenship, equal votes, protection of minorities, and the removal of stumbling blocks such as discrimination against people of colour.1 Although the N.P. achieved a cleat majority – 93 seats against 39 for the Conservative Party (C.P.) and 33 for the Democratic Party (D.P.) – the right-wing opposition made destinct progress by gaining 17 seats. After the C.P had captured a further three from the N.P. in by-elections, including Potchefstroom in February 1992, President F. W. de Klerk announced in Parliament that whites would be asked the following month to vote in a referendum in order to remove any doubts about his mandate. The carefully worded question which the electorate had to answer was as follows: Do you support continuation of the reform process which the State President began on February 2, 1990 and which is aimed at a new constitution through negotiation?

MEETING OF THE STATE CHAIRMEN

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1950 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 504-504
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
The State ◽  
Board Meeting ◽  
Executive Board ◽  
National Legislation ◽  
First Order ◽  
President Elect ◽  
Considerable Discussion

The meeting was called to order by Dr. Warren R. Sisson on Sunday, Nov. 13, 1949, at 1:45 p.m. Dr. Edward B. Shaw, President-Elect, presided during the rest of the session. The first order of business was the discussion of the report of the Committee on Reorganization. After a preliminary statement by Dr. Borden S. Veeder, explaining many of the details, the report was presented by Dr. James M. Baty. After considerable discussion of various points, the Chairmen voted to concur in the action taken by the Executive Board in approving this report, the report to be submitted to the members for mail vote. The next order of business was the question of State Chairmen. The following proposed amendment to the By-Laws was presented as coming from the Executive Board: "That each state be represented by one State Chairman; that State Chairman may designate as many Alternate State Chairmen to assist him as he finds desirable but only one would act as the representative for each state." The group from New York objected to this change and, after discussion, the matter was remanded to the Executive Board meeting in June for decision. Dr. Edgar E. Martmer read a letter from Dr. William Black and a proposition from Dr. John K. Glen. The State Chairmen voted that they were not in favor of Dr. Black's letter, but that they would approve of Dr. Glen's suggestion that the Committee on Legislation, where possible, communicate with the membership before taking final action on any national legislation.

Urban Mobility and Politics in Mexico City

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oscar Sosa López
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
The State ◽  
Urban Mobility ◽  
Infrastructure Projects ◽  
Toll Road ◽  
The City

Study of the struggle of a social movement, the Frente Amplio contra la Supervía, to stop the construction of an urban toll road in the southwestern end of Mexico City reveals that investments in transportation assumed to benefit the larger public are in fact creating new landscapes of infrastructural and democratic exclusion. Examination of the forms of citizen mobilization, alliances among diverse actors, and the role of accountability institutions as spaces for democratic experimentation suggests that struggles against large infrastructure projects allow citizens and the state to redraw the limits of authoritarianism and the meaning of sustainability and democracy in the city. El movimiento social Frente Amplio contra la Supervía se organizó para detener la construcción de una autopista de peaje urbana en el extremo suroeste de la Ciudad de México. El análisis de las luchas del Frente revela que las inversiones en la transportación que se suponía que beneficiarían a un público amplio en realidad están creando nuevos espacios de exclusión infraestructural y democrática. El análisis de las formas de movilización ciudadana, de las alianzas entre diferentes actores y del rol de las instituciones de rendición de cuentas como espacios de experimentación democrática sugiere que las luchas contra los grandes proyectos de infraestructura les permiten a los ciudadanos y al estado volver a trazar los límites del autoritarismo y el significado de la sostenibilidad y la democracia en la ciudad.

Strike: The Final Days

2019 ◽  
pp. 207-217
Author(s):  
Michael V. Metz
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
City Council ◽  
The University

Rallies were scheduled to protest the killings and the invasion; activist leaders announced support for a nationwide strike, black ministers met with their city council but received no answers. Demonstrations spread to colleges throughout the state and across the country, while Illinois students turned violent after an evening RU rally, breaking windows in several buildings. The strike began on Wednesday, with hundreds of picket lines across campus, the number growing throughout the week, so that by Friday the university was virtually closed, though Peltason refused to make the closure official. Ogilvie sent nine thousand guardsmen to the campus, calling for calm.

Liberal Imaginaries of Guantánamo

2018 ◽  
pp. 178-211
Author(s):  
Rebecca A. Adelman
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
The State ◽  
City Council ◽  
Political Subjectivity ◽  
Guantanamo Bay ◽  
History Of ◽  
Creative Production

In its depictions of Guantánamo Bay detainees, the state’s agenda is obvious. But the state is not the only entity that mediates detainees’ voices: so, too, do the individuals and organizations that work on their behalf. Reading the history of anti-Guantánamo activism, the chapter demonstrates that it often relies on an erasure of detainee political subjectivity and a refusal of the possibility of detainee anger. Three case studies bear this out. First, a set of city-council resolutions from Massachusetts and California that extended hypothetical welcomes to select detainees on their hypothetical release; the chapter queries the politics of this deeply conditional hospitality and the presumptions of American exceptionalism underpinning it. American exceptionalism is central to the analysis of the next object, the Witness to Guantánamo documentary project, which collects testimonies from former detainees. W2G does crucial documentary work, but its structure also compels the detainees to offer forgiveness and recuperative visions of American goodness. Next, the chapter explores the politics of detainee creative production, with a particular attention to practices of circulation and consumption, and the fictive experiences of intimacy that they promise their audiences. The chapter ends with a critique of a fanciful renarration of Guantánamo’s past and future.

The Reckoning

2021 ◽  
pp. 483-520
Author(s):  
Eric Van Young
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Grand Jury ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Government ◽  
The U.S

Alamán’s internal self-exile in Mexico City, when he hid for nearly two years only to emerge in 1834, is discussed in as much detail as is possible for a largely undocumented episode. Having left the government along with the other ministers during 1832, he was being pursued by agents of the state and political enemies to stand trial before a congressional grand jury for his involvement in the judicial murder of Vicente Guerrero. The chapter also discusses his cordial relationship with the U.S. envoy who replaced the recalled Joel Poinsett, Anthony Butler. The fall of the Anastasio Bustamante government to an uprising led by Santa Anna is narrated, along with Alamán’s eventual trial, his spirited defense of himself, the intervention of Carlos María de Bustamante (not the president) on his behalf before the Supreme Court, and the ex-minister’s exoneration at the hands of President Santa Anna.

‘The Pots on Our Roads’

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-88
Author(s):  
Gerald Chikozho Mazarire ◽  
Sandra Swart
Keyword(s):  
Chaotic System ◽  
The State ◽  
City Council ◽  
The Self ◽  
Traffic Police ◽  
Regulatory Instruments ◽  
History Of ◽  
Vehicle Fleet ◽  
The City

This article explores the role of the ‘diaspora fleet’ in Harare’s urban commuter system. Imported vehicles in the form of haulage trucks and commuter buses were one of the popular and visible forms of diasporic investment over Zimbabwe’s difficult decade spanning from 2000 to about 2010. The article argues that this diaspora fleet occupies a significant place in the history of commuting in Harare. Diasporic investment introduced a cocktail of European vehicles that quickly became ramshackle and ended up discarded in scrap heaps around the city. These imports and the businesses based on them destroyed the self-regulatory framework existing in the commuting business. This disruption was facilitated by the retreat or undermining of the state and city council regulatory instruments, which in turn created a role for middlemen, who manoeuvred to perpetuate a new and chaotic system known as ‘mshika-shika [faster-faster]’, based on a culture of irresponsible competitive gambling. This chaotic system remains in place today to the chagrin of city council planners and traffic police. Its origins, we argue, lie in the cultures and practices introduced by the diasporan vehicle fleet.

Political Clientelism in Mexico: Bridging the Gap between Citizens and the State

2015 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Turid Hagene
Keyword(s):  
Problem Solving ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Vote Buying ◽  
Public Employment ◽  
Conceptual Clarity ◽  
Political Clientelism

AbstractThis article explores practices of political clientelism in a native village in Mexico City during recent elections (2006, 2012), aiming to create more conceptual clarity and to demonstrate the usefulness of ethnographic approaches. Seen from the clients' and the brokers' perspective, political clientelism and vote buying are two different practices, carried out in different ways, with different degrees of legitimacy. The problem-solving network studied here bridges the gap between the citizen and the state, while the political operators hope to be rewarded with public employment. In this case, one candidate-patron changed parties a few months before the 2012 elections, and the electoral statistics provide indications of the numerical effectiveness of his clientelist network. Multiparty competition, instead of undermining clientelist practices, appears to “democratize” them.

STATE EXTERNAL SECURITY MODEL IN POLITICAL THOUGHT OF LAW AND JUSTICE

2011 ◽  
Vol 161 (3) ◽  
pp. 218-231
Author(s):  
Joanna SANECKA-TYCZYŃSKA
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
State Government ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Security Model ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Law And Justice

Law and Justice (PiS) is a conservative party founded by Jaroslaw Kaczynski and Lech Kaczynski in 2001. Law and Justice had a coherent idea of the State covering the ideological basis, the model of state system and the organization of state power and national security. The problem of national security for PiS was of utmost importance - associated with the raison d'état. External security was a priority for the state government. In the political thought of Law and Justice, the Polish external security model is based on three pillars. The first and most important pillar was military cooperation with the United States within NATO. PiS politicians were in favour of the Atlantic international security model of the guiding role of NATO. The second pillar was the armed forces. The third one, extra security, was the pillar of the Polish membership in the European Union.

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