Education, neurosis and exception: What really matters in education during/beyond the pandemic?

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro Menezes ◽  
Isabel Menezes ◽  
Norberto Ribeiro
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
Thematic Analysis ◽  
School Principals ◽  
The State ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
Daily Newspaper ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Economic Issues ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Government

This study examines newspaper articles about education published in a reference daily newspaper in Portugal during the measure taken to close schools as a way of containing the COVID-19 epidemic. During this three-month period, a total of 105 news items were collected involving several educational and political actors: government representatives from the areas of education, health and work, parents, teachers, school principals, union representatives and, on rare occasions, even students. A qualitative analysis of these news items based on thematic analysis revealed themes that appear at the core of schools – i.e. that are essential and should be resumed as soon as possible. Amid the ‘state of exception’, ‘neurotic citizenship’ is reinforced and managed by the government. Within this context, participation and inclusion seem to disappear from the discourse of education and are captured by work and economic issues that go beyond education itself.

Education, neurosis and exception: What really matters in education during/beyond the pandemic?

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro Menezes ◽  
Isabel Menezes ◽  
Norberto Ribeiro
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
Thematic Analysis ◽  
School Principals ◽  
The State ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
Daily Newspaper ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Economic Issues ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Government

This study examines newspaper articles about education published in a reference daily newspaper in Portugal during the measure taken to close schools as a way of containing the COVID-19 epidemic. During this three-month period, a total of 105 news items were collected involving several educational and political actors: government representatives from the areas of education, health and work, parents, teachers, school principals, union representatives and, on rare occasions, even students. A qualitative analysis of these news items based on thematic analysis revealed themes that appear at the core of schools – i.e. that are essential and should be resumed as soon as possible. Amid the ‘state of exception’, ‘neurotic citizenship’ is reinforced and managed by the government. Within this context, participation and inclusion seem to disappear from the discourse of education and are captured by work and economic issues that go beyond education itself.

Re-Territorialising Governance and the State

2017 ◽  
pp. 173-213
Author(s):  
Shefali Virkar
Keyword(s):  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
The State ◽  
Non Profit ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
New Information ◽  
Central Case ◽  
Indian State ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
The Government ◽  
Platform System

Attracted by the new Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs), political actors across the world have adopted computer-based systems for use in government as a means of reforming inefficiencies in public administration. This book chapter critically examines the convergent use of the new digital technologies and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) within the reform of government administration, through the in-depth examination of a central case study focused around a collaboration between the government of the Indian state of Karnataka and the non-profit eGovernments Foundation, from 2002 to 2006; a partnership which sought to reform existing methods of property taxation via the establishment of an online platform-system across the municipalities of 56 towns and cities within the state. The research analyses prevailing actor behaviour and interactions, their impact on the interplay of local contingencies and external influences shaping project implementation, and the disjunctions in these relationships which inhibit the effective exploitation of ICTs within the given context.

scholarly journals Biopolitics, borders, and refugee camps: exercising sovereign power over nonmembers of the state†

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olga Zeveleva
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
The State ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
Refugee Camps ◽  
Sovereign Power ◽  
The Government ◽  
Treat All ◽  
Refugees And Asylum Seekers ◽  
The Relationship

This article addresses the relationship between the concepts of national identity and biopolitics by examining a border-transit camp for repatriates, refugees, and asylum seekers in Germany. Current studies of detention spaces for migrants have drawn heavily on Agamben's reflection on the “camp” and “homo sacer,” where the camp is analyzed as a space in a permanent state of exception, in which the government exercises sovereign power over the refugee as the ultimate biopolitical subject. But what groups of people can end up at a camp, and does the government treat all groups in the same way? This article examines the German camp for repatriates, refugees, and asylum seekers as a space where the state's borders are demarcated and controlled through practices of bureaucratic and narrative differentiation among various groups of people. The author uses the concept of detention space to draw a theoretical link between national identity and biopolitics, and demonstrates how the sovereign's practices of control and differentiation at the camp construct German national identity through defining “nonmembers” of the state. The study draws on ethnographic fieldwork at the Friedland border transit camp and on a discourse analysis of texts produced at the camp or for the camp.

Narrating democracy in interwar Yugoslavia: From state creation to its collapse

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-208
Author(s):  
Maria Falina
Keyword(s):  
Historical Analysis ◽  
The State ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Political Actor ◽  
Economic Dimension ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Economic Issues ◽  
Significant Difference ◽  
Or Practice ◽  
Post War

This article examines the narratives of democracy in interwar Yugoslavia. It starts with the premise that the commitment to democracy in the immediate post-war period was deep and sincere as it was seen as an answer to domestic and international political challenges. The article focuses on how democracy was understood and narrated, and maintains that virtually every political actor engaged with the idea and/or practice of democracy, thereby making it a subject of an important debate. Thus, democracy was at the time as significant a concept and theme as was nationalism, which usually receives more attention in historical analysis. Such issues as national self-determination, the establishment of the state, and the symbolic place of Yugoslavia among well-established European nations impacted the way democracy was debated. At the same time, local political actors used claims to possess better expertise in democracy to back up specific ideological and national projects. Finally, socio-economic issues emerged in the later half of the period to complement the national considerations. A significant difference in the narratives of democracy as understood primarily in political terms and the narrative of democracy that emphasizes its social and economic dimension emerged towards the late 1930s.

scholarly journals Mellom kjernen og periferien i den norske velferdsstaten. Idrettsbevegelsesens vekslende posisjoner

2011 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Niels Asle Bergsgard
Keyword(s):  
Social Security ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Government Funding ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Field ◽  
Relative Autonomy ◽  
The Core ◽  
Modern Welfare State ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S

Artiklen belyser prioriteringen idrætten i den norske velfærdsstat i relation til Bourdieus kapital og velfærd og diskuterer idrættens autonomi.The modern welfare state in most western countries is characterised by a stepwise expansion of government responsibilities: from the basic tasks of the state like defence and policing, via core welfare state issues such as social security, to secondary welfare state issues like leisure policy. Starting out with a brief historical presentation, this article describes sport’s pendulum movement between the core and the periphery in the Norwegian welfare state. Further it is argued that sport was constituted as a distinct social field in a Bourdieuan sense in the 1960s and 70s. The article then analyses whether the specific logic of this field is adaptable to the ever- stronger presence of the welfare logic during the last decades, or if the welfare logic is a threat to the structure of the field of sport and hence to the relative autonomy of the voluntary organised sports movement. In addition it is discussed if the voluntary organised sports movement is now at a crossroads, either becoming a balancing item for the government with preserved autonomy, or an important tool in the government’s toolbox but with less autonomy. The consequence of the choices made will change the field of sport and hence the allocation of government funding to organised sport.

scholarly journals Reframing Indigenous Territories: Private Property, Human Rights and Overlapping Claims

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 3-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Thom
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Private Property ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
The State ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
The Core ◽  
Indigenous Territories ◽  
The Government ◽  
Government Of Canada

This paper considers the implications of the powerful "overlapping territories" map produced by the government of Canada in its attempt to refute human rights violations charges brought by Hul'qumi'num Treaty Group at the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. The map is at the core of Canada's defense in that it suggests that overlapping indigenous territories negate claims of exclusivity over the land and therefore any kind of obligations the state may have in respect of human or other indigenous rights in those lands. Revealing the limits of cartographic abstractions of indigenous spatialities, as well as the perilous stakes for indigenous peoples when engaging in conventional discourses of territoriality, these issues have broad significance.

The Political Economy of Deficit Spending: A Cross Comparison of Industrialized Democracies, 1955–90

1996 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
S D Hahm
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Work ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Industrialized Democracies ◽  
Parliamentary Systems ◽  
The Government ◽  
Presidential Systems

The postwar deficit experiences of nine industrialized democracies are analyzed. The relative importance of three of the primary influences on a country's deficit which have been suggested in the literature: (1) the state of the country's economy, (2) the ‘left – right’ ideology of the party in power, and (3) the strength of the party in power (as advanced by Roubini and Sachs) are examined. The author also introduces and tests the importance of an additional potential influence based on institutional structure in which presidential, ‘stable’ parliamentary, and ‘unstable’ parliamentary systems are seen to provide different incentives regarding the deficit for key political actors. The arguments are tested on a pooled time-series cross-sectional data set involving two presidential systems (France and the United States), four relatively stable parliamentary systems (Canada, Germany, Japan, and the United Kingdom), and three relatively unstable parliamentary systems (Denmark, Italy, and the Netherlands). The findings include: (a) strong effects of the state of a nation's economy on its deficit; (b) little systematic relationship between the ideology of the party in power and its deficit; and (c) the observation that increased control of the government leads to lower deficits in unstable parliamentary systems but larger deficits in presidential systems, with stable parliamentary systems serving as an intermediate case. The findings are compared both with the author's theoretical refinement and with recent theoretical and empirical work by Roubini and Sachs.

RELIGION AFTER THE STATE: SECULAR SOTERIOLOGIES AT THE BIRTH OF SOUTH SUDAN

2014 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 447-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noah Salomon
Keyword(s):  
Religious Diversity ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic Republic ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
South Sudanese ◽  
The Government ◽  
Secular State

AbstractThis article examines South Sudan's experiment in creating a secular state out of the ashes of the professedly Islamic republic from which it seceded in 2011. South Sudanese political actors presented secularism as a means of redeeming the nation from decades of religious excess in which the government conflated political imperative with theological ambition, claiming to save the nation from its woes through the unifying force of Islam. However, secularism as an alternative soteriology—one that contended that it is only through political nonalignment in regards to religion that the public could be saved from the problems that plagued its predecessor—quickly became an object of contention itself, read by many South Sudanese to be anything but neutral. This article interrogates the secular promise of mediating religious diversity through exploring the tensions that have arisen in its fulfillment at the birth of the world's newest republic.

scholarly journals ‘Usyur Dan Jizyah Dalam Kajian Ekonomi Islam

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Nurul Hidayati
Keyword(s):  
Fiscal Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Policy System ◽  
Economic Issues ◽  
State Finance ◽  
State Income ◽  
The Government ◽  
Time Of Collection ◽  
State Revenues

<p>Fiscal policy is a policy pursued by the government in managing state income and expenditure. The state of Medina which was led by Muhammad SAW also had a unique fiscal policy system in his day. The implementation of fiscal policy at the time of the Prophet Muhammad and Abu Bakr was almost the same, because there were not many problems that emerged along with the expansion of the territory of the Islamic Caliphate. Sources of state revenues in the early days of Islam included the zakat, khums, jizyah, fai, ‘usyūr and other sources of income. One of the state revenues in the early days of Islam was ‘usyūr and jizyah. The discussion of 'usyur revolves around the definition, who is obliged to pay ‘usyūr, the item affected by‘ usyūr, the time of collection ‘usyūr, and the amount of levies. As for jizyah, the discussion revolves around the definition, the jizyah payer, the large number of levies, the termination of jizyah, the rights and obligations of Ahlu Zhimmah, the use of jizyah, orientalist criticism of jizyah, and then analyzing both. The policies exemplified by the Prophet Muhammad both legal, political and economic issues became guidelines for the Khulafa ar-Rashidin, his tireless friends always accompanied him. Among the policies relating to the economy are the collection of usyūr and jizyah. ‘Usyūr and jizyah are one of the sources of income at the beginning of Islam which is quite important for state finance. This policy is also used by followers in managing the economic life of the country.<strong></strong></p>

scholarly journals A Tensão entre Constitucionalismo e Exceção: a Ordem Estatal sobreposta aos Direitos Fundamentais / The Tension between Constitutionalism and Exception: when the State Order Prevails over Fundamental Rights

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henrique Smidt Simon
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Political Life ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Brazilian State ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
Legal Strategies

Resumo: Cada vez mais o poder público limita direitos e aumenta a repressão, sem corrigir as falhas que levam ao conflito. Isso indica o uso do direito como garantidor de ordem, não de liberdade. O intento deste artigo é mostrar, discutindo as noções de estado e constituição, o conflito entre liberdade e ordem e como o direito serve para proteger a primeira. Assim, relaciona-se a legalidade no estado contemporâneo com a limitação do poder. Faz-se, então, a relação com a ideia de nação e a prevalência da vontade do estado. Após, trabalha-se o estado de exceção e como a ordem e a coerção estatal são postas acima dos direitos e garantias constitucionais. A prevalência da ordem sobre a proteção constitucional pode ser vista nas manifestações de junho de 2013; nos rolezinhos e na situação do presídio de Pedrinhas, exemplos da lógica do estado de exceção incorporada à vida política brasileira, o que responde à discussão teórica que os antecede. Ademais, o estado brasileiro aumenta seu poder de repressão com estratégias jurídicas que diminuem seus limites ou seu controle. O texto defende a necessidade de retomar as lógicas da legalidade e do constitucionalismo para combater a naturalização do estado de exceção. Abstract: Nowadays is getting usual for the government to limit rights and expand its capacity of repression without correcting the flaws that cause conflicts. This indicates the use of the law as a way to grant order, not liberty. The aim of this article is to show, discussing the ideas of state and constitution, the tension between liberty and order and how the law should work to protect the former. Thus, the contemporaneous state is related to legality, understood as a mean to limit the state power. Then, the concept of state of exception is presented and is shown as the state order and coercion overlap constitutional rights. This overlapping can be seen in the “June 2013” protests; in the flash mob situations and in the case of “Pedrinhas” Prison. Those are examples of the logic of the state of exception embodied to the Brazilian political life. Furthermore, Brazilian state increases its repression power by using legal strategies that decrease its means of being restrained. The text asserts the need to rethink legality and constitutionalism as a way to fight the naturalization of the state of exception.

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