The political culture of non-western fashion identities1

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-27
Author(s):  
Jennifer Craik

Abstract The topic of non-western (or ethnic, exotic, world or fusion) fashion has been gaining traction as a legitimate field of scholarship in recent years. This rich vein of research and practice requires more attention to developing new approaches to analytic frameworks in which to evaluate the state of fashion in non-western contexts and to discuss more seamlessly the convergence and dialectical appropriation of non-western inspirations in western fashion and western inspirations in forging and negotiating non-western fashion identities. One indication of the inadequacies of current analytic frameworks used to understand non-western fashion is the use of oppositions and polarities such as colonial/postcolonial, exotic/indigenous and local/global. This article argues that non-western fashion can only be adequately unpacked and understood if the embedded politics of the cultures in which non-western emanates are recognized, drawing on the history of fashions in China and references to Chinoiserie in Eurocentric fashion.

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (8) ◽  
pp. 34-48
Author(s):  
František Stellner

This article considers palace coups as one of the key phenomena of Russian political culture, which intertwined traditions and innovations, accidents and patterns, personal and corporate interests, prudence and adventurism. It analyzes methods and mechanisms by which the Russian autocrats of the late 17th – 18th centuries ascended to the throne. The ways of ascension to the throne were different, but they had one thing in common – compliance with clear rules of succession was very far from ideal, which was significantly different from most European monarchies. In monarchies where inheritance was legally fixed by the principle of primogeniture, it was much more difficult to carry out palace coups. There was no such mandatory legal norm for the Romanov dynasty. Palace coups in Russia did not lead to changes in the social and economic sphere or in the mechanisms of functioning of the state, with the exception of the political careers of individual dignitaries. The last palace revolution in the history of Russia took place in 1801 and symbolically completed the 18th century for it. Most of the changes on the Russian throne during the 18th century took place in the form of a “palace coup” with the participation of representatives of the dynasty and, as a rule, the highest dignitaries. Such methods of changing rulers reflected a certain instability of the supreme power, disputes about the ways of modernizing the country, the consequences of Peter the Great’s reforms and, in fact, intra-dynastic contradictions.


Author(s):  
Peter D. McDonald

The section introduces Part II, which spans the period 1946 to 2014, by tracing the history of the debates about culture within UNESCO from 1947 to 2009. It considers the central part print literacy played in the early decades, and the gradual emergence of what came to be called ‘intangible heritage’; the political divisions of the Cold War that had a bearing not just on questions of the state and its role as a guardian of culture but on the idea of cultural expression as a commodity; the slow shift away from an exclusively intellectualist definition of culture to a more broadly anthropological one; and the realpolitik surrounding the debates about cultural diversity since the 1990s. The section concludes by showing how at the turn of the new millennium UNESCO caught up with the radical ways in which Tagore and Joyce thought about linguistic and cultural diversity.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitriy Kazancev

The monograph is devoted to the history of medieval Russian and Byzantine teachings about the power of the sovereign and the reflection of these doctrinal ideas in the practice of public administration of the two peoples. The phenomena of the power of the sovereigns of the Byzantine Empire, Ancient Russia and the Moscow state are investigated and compared, and an attempt is made to answer the question of what is common and different in the foundations of the organization of power of these three states. The Byzantine influence on the political culture of Russia is still a subject of controversy, and therefore it is especially important to analyze the achievements of historical and legal science in this area for a reasoned discussion. For students and teachers, as well as anyone interested in national and world history.


2021 ◽  
Vol 144 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-69
Author(s):  
Victor A. Pchelkin ◽  
◽  
Galina Yu. Kuznetsova ◽  
Tatiana А. Zheltonozhko ◽  
◽  
...  

A step-by-step and objective review of the history of the State Planning Committee of the USSR (Gosplan), presented by the authors, helps to form a holistic idea of how the power of the USSR arose and what objective necessity or what subjective factors led to a radical change in the political and socio-economic structure of the country.


2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-149
Author(s):  
Damien Mahiet

Despite the lively scholarly debate on the place of The Sleeping Beauty (1890) in the political and cultural history of the Franco-Russian alliance in the 1890s, the representation of international relations in the first production of The Nutcracker (1892) has so far received little attention. This representation includes the well-known series of character dances in the second act of the ballet, but also the use of French fashion from the revolutionary era to costume the party guests, the mechanical dolls, the toy soldiers, and even Prince Nutcracker. The fairy-tale world offered a frame that not only promoted the absolutist aspirations of Alexander III's regime, but also solved the symbolic challenge of a problematic alliance between republican France and tsarist Russia. The same visual repertoire informed diplomatic life: four years after The Nutcracker, in 1896, the décor for the state visit of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna in France duplicated that of the fairy-tale world on stage.


2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 550-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
Assef Ashraf

AbstractThis article uses gift-giving practices in early nineteenth-century Iran as a window onto statecraft, governance, and center-periphery relations in the early Qajar state (1785–1925). It first demonstrates that gifts have a long history in the administrative and political history of Iran, the Persianate world, and broader Eurasia, before highlighting specific features found in Iran. The article argues that the pīshkish, a tributary gift-giving ceremony, constituted a central role in the political culture and economy of Qajar Iran, and was part of the process of presenting Qajar rule as a continuation of previous Iranian royal dynasties. Nevertheless, pīshkish ceremonies also illustrated the challenges Qajar rulers faced in exerting power in the provinces and winning the loyalty of provincial elites. Qajar statesmen viewed gifts and bribes, at least at a discursive level, in different terms, with the former clearly understood as an acceptable practice. Gifts and honors, like the khil‘at, presented to society were part of Qajar rulers' strategy of presenting themselves as just and legitimate. Finally, the article considers the use of gifts to influence diplomacy and ease relations between Iranians and foreign envoys, as well as the ways in which an inadequate gift could cause offense.


1995 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-184
Author(s):  
Mark Voss-Hubbard

Historians have long recognized the unprecedented expansion of federal power during the Civil War. Moreover most scholars agree that the expansion of federal power manifested itself most immediately and profoundly in the abolition of slavery. In a sense, through the Emancipation Proclamation, the Republican administration injected the national government into the domain of civil rights, and by doing so imbued federal power with a distinct moral purpose. The passage of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments codified this expression of federal authority, rejecting the bedrock tenet in American republican thought that centralized power constituted the primary threat to individual liberty.


Author(s):  
Nicolai Von Eggers ◽  
Mathias Hein Jessen

Michel Foucault developed his now (in)famous neologism governmentality in the first of the two lectures he devoted to ’a history of governmentality, Security, Territory, Population (1977-78) and The Birth of Biopolitics (1978-79). Foucault developed this notion in order to do a historical investigation of ‘the state’ or ‘the political’ which did not assume the entity of the state but treated it as a way of governing, a way of thinking about governing. Recently, the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben has taken up Foucault’s notion of governmentality in his writing of a history of power in the West, most notably in The Kingdom and the Glory. It is with inspiration from Agamben’s recent use of Foucault that Foucault’s approach to writing the history of the state (as a history of governmental practices and the reflection hereof) is revisited. Foucault (and Agamben) thus offer another way of writing the history of the state and of the political, which focuses on different texts and on reading more familiar texts in a new light, thereby offering a new and notably different view on the emergence of the modern state and politics.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-93
Author(s):  
Anna Ceglarska ◽  

History of the rise of the Roman Republic as described by Polybius The aim of this article is to refer Polybius’s political theory, included in Book VI of The Histories, to the history of the rise of the Roman Republic. This theme must have been particularly significant for Polybius. For him, Rome was the most perfect example of a mixed government system, and the aim of describing its history was to show the development of this perfect system. The article presents the mutual relation of theory and history, starting with the period of kingship, up to the emergence of the democratic element, i.e. the moment when Rome acquired the mixed system of government. Both the political and social contexts of the changes are outlined. The analysis suggests that Polybius related his political theory to the history of the state he admired, thus providing the theory with actual foundations. Reconstructing his analysis makes it possible to see the history of Rome in a different light, and to ponder the system itself and its decline, even though the main objective of both Polybius and this article is to present its development.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rizka Wahyu Nurmalaningrum

Often the link between politics, economics and history escapes our attention so far. Much of the history of Indonesian development even the political history of the Indonesian nation itself has been forgotten by this millennial era society. They prefer mobile phones rather than books. Prefer cellphones from history. Even though history is important. The successors of the nation in the millennial era are more concerned with social media than knowing the origin of a country. Many do not understand the history of someone who can become president. There are various theories about history, such as Aristotelian theory, and the theory of plateau. Arisstoteles can be made a reference for learning for the ideals of the State with a fair and calm manner. The discussion with this theme takes the example of the fall of Soeharto as President of the Republic of Indonesia.


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