Street appropriation: Subversion as commodity in Dublin

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-44
Author(s):  
Ruth Alexandra Moran

This article examines the recent intense public interest in Dublin street art collective Subset’s urban painting, which co-opts the language, practices and attitude of graffiti culture as brand narrative, producing a commodity from their portrayal of subversion, which they self-promote on social media. While the career trajectory from vandal or graffiti artist to the established art world is nothing new, what is particularly interesting is how Subset went from an unknown group of art college graduates in early 2017 to their acceptance and recognition by the arts establishment in late 2019. The case of Subset is interesting in terms of the evident cultural cachet of their synthesis of subversive practices and the promotion of their brand in their work, which has proven very popular with the public. As a result, the Subset brand has in turn been co-opted by traditional media, political discourse and the arts establishment.

Author(s):  
Neelesh Pandey ◽  

Women’s health is a matter of concern for very countries. The advancement in the field of internet and emergence of social media has affected communication process to a great extent. As social media has advantage over traditional media because of web based applications, it can be used to promote health communication especially women’s health which is neglected over the time. The present article attempts to find out the potential and challenges of social media for using as a tool to promote and aware the public on women’s health.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 460-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan B. Shreffler ◽  
Meg G. Hancock ◽  
Samuel H. Schmidt

Unlike traditional media, which frames female athletes in sexualized manners and in socially accepted roles such as mothers and girlfriends, user-controlled social-media Web sites allow female athletes to control the image and brand they wish to portray to the public. Using Goffman’s theory of self-presentation, the current study aimed to investigate how female athletes were portraying themselves via their Twitter avatar pictures. A total of 207 verified Twitter avatars of female athletes from 6 sports were examined through a content analysis. The avatars from each player were coded using the following themes: athlete as social being, athlete as promotional figure, “selfie,” athletic competence, ambivalence, “girl next door,” and “sexy babe.” The results revealed that athletic competence was the most common theme, followed by selfie and athlete as social being. Thus, when women have the opportunity to control their image through social media they choose to focus on their athletic identities.


2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Can-Seng Ooi

The arts and culture are considered core in a creative industries strategy. But the promotion of the creative industries brings about revised notions of creativity. These revised notions are being applied to the arts. Creativity is now seen to be largely manageable. All individuals are made to believe that they can be creative. Not only that, creativity is seen to be a money spinner. Workers should tap into their creativity and bring about innovations in the work place. Pupils are taught to tap into their creativity and to think outside the box. Such views on creativity galvanize the public and enthuse many people into the creative industries. Such notions of creativity contrast against the fine arts. Regardless, as this paper examines the situation in Singapore, shows that fine artists in the city-state are finding themselves internalizing a market logic and have tied their art practices to economic value. Fine arts practices will not be as lucrative or popular as their counterparts in the other creative businesses; they will remain poor cousins in the creative industries. Essentially, the fine arts are being subjugated in the creative industries and the Singaporean art world is being changed.


Lentera Hukum ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 241
Author(s):  
Kezia Ezekiel

The defamation reports have increased and shifted under online-based technology through social media. This study considered the defamation issue in Indonesia that alleged Richard Lee, a doctor who shared a beneficial publication through social media about the dangerous skincare product. Richard's audience believed that his content helped them know the hidden truth behind skincare products available in the market. Consequently, the public questioned whether he was liable because he was regarded to share helpful information under the public interest. This study aimed to analyze Indonesia’s defamation laws, especially in public interest defense under Article 310(3) of the Indonesian Criminal Code. However, the interpretation for public interest as a crime abolition is unclear, resulting in various courts' decisions that lead to criminalizing internet users. This study used legal research with statutory and comparative approaches. It examined legal norms and practices in Indonesia and compared those in the United Kingdom, Canada, and New Zealand. These three countries adapted defamation law to develop cases, including those alleged defamations for the public interest. While the freedom of expression is enshrined in the constitution, its practice has contradicted defamation provisions outlined in derivative regulations. By comparison, these three countries have precise boundaries and public interest defense is explicit. Those countries have specific rules and lists that needed to be fulfilled for those who use public interest defense. The lists based on previous precedents show how they learn and adapt to the development of public interest defense in many cases. This study concluded that Indonesia does not have specific standards or rules to determine cases categorized as the public interest. KEYWORDS: Public Interest Defense, Online Defamation, Freedom of Expression.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Resul Sinani

The usage of social media by Kosovar politicians is almost absolute. Politicians of all levels have their accounts on Facebook as well as other social networks. They use those for various reasons, starting from contacting the voters and supporters during the election campaigns as well as during the time they are in the office, up to presenting their stands and ideas that have do with different issues of public interest. For many of them, especially for low-level politicians the social media, mainly Facebook, have become the only place where they express themselves, since they find it almost impossible to become a part of the traditional media, especially of those on the national level, like newspapers, radio or television. Whereas for high-leveled politicians, concretely the heads of main institutions like the prime-minister, the head of parliament or the president, who refuse to be interviewed and be present in political shows where they could face questions from the journalists or the public, they are using Facebook statements in order to avoid direct questions from the journalists about the political subjects of the day. By making it impossible for them to take direct answers through their journalists the traditional media (newspapers, radio, TV) have to quote the posts that the politicians are making on Facebook. The kosovar journalists and the heads of media see this tendency of politicians, especially of the prime minister as the lack of transparency, avoidance of accountability, control of information and setting the agenda of the media. This paper attempts to argument the hypothesis that the high level politicians, the heads of main state institutions in Kosovo are controlling the information in traditional media through the usage of social media. In order to argument this hypothesis as a case study we have taken the Kosovar (ex)PM Hashim Thaçi whose almost every status and update has been quoted by the media. We have also interviewed journalists and editors of Kosovar media houses who have expressed their thoughts about the subject, while supporting the hypothesis of this paper.


2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bonnie S. McDougall

One of the most notable features of the fifties and sixties in China was the public willingness of the literary and art world to submit to the dictates of the political leadership. The reasons for their cooperation, heavily qualified though it might have been, and the various methods by which the authorities ensured it, have been described elsewhere and are not the topic of this paper.' What I am interested in here is the way in which this cooperation was undermined in the seventies and openly flouted in the eighties. Instead of submission, a sigruficant number of people in literature and the arts offered challenges both within the system and outside it, ranging from flagrant rejection of accepted conventions to a more cautious testing of the limits of tolerance, and from demands for professional autonomy to private arrangements outside existing organisations. The limit-setters and upholders - that is, the overlapping groups of orthodox Party leaders, the entrenched cultural bureaucracy, and writers and artists claiming positions of authority - found themselves restricted in their response to these challenges by the post-Mao modemisation program. The reform faction in the new leadership, acknowledging a complex relationship between the superstructure and the economic basis, found themselves to a certain extent obliged to yield ground, supporting the challengers and restraining the orthodox. The more detached of the Party intellectuals might also have noticed how, with a keen grasp of Marxist imperatives, the new activists began by establishing their own means of production and distribution.


2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Gregory

The idea of governance – as distinct from government – has become intellectually fashionable in academic circles over the past decade or so, constituting a new conceptual paradigm that embodies ideas about the dispersal and fragmentation of formerly centralised state authority, the increasing involvement of civil society in the delivery of public goods and services, and the networked collaboration of a wide range of governmental and nongovernmental bodies in the pursuit of public purposes and the public interest.


Author(s):  
Terri Toles Patkin

The role of social media in managing and disseminating organizational knowledge is illustrated in this case study of a local government's response to a natural disaster. The interplay of technological, organizational and ecological factors was magnified as town officials utilized both social media and traditional media to disseminate information to the public during and after the crisis. As organizations embrace social media, managers must recognize that in addition to the organization educating the public, social media features the public talking to the organization, and perhaps more resonant, the public talking to the public.


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