scholarly journals RISCOS E POSSIBILIDADES DO ATIVISMO JUDICIAL NA DEMOCRACIA

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 181-200
Author(s):  
Rogério Gesta Leal
Keyword(s):  
Key Words ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Judicial Activism ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
The Face

RESUMOO objetivo deste trabalho é verificar em que medida é possível conciliar ativismo judicial e democracia, considerando principalmente os desafios que se apresentam as relações sociais contemporâneas. A justificativa desta proposta se sustenta no fato de que o Poder Judiciário tem sido cada vez mais procurado para dar conta de demandas envolvendo as insuficiências das politicas públicas governamentais em face de direitos fundamentais. Demarcamos como problema da abordagem verificar se é possível superar eventuais tensões entre o excesso de ativismo judicial e a democracia enquanto representação politica também institucional de outros poderes, e como hipótese a premissa de que deva-se adotar, para a solução do problema, perspectiva ampliada da atuação do Poder Judiciário a partir da compreensão igualmente oxigenada da Democracia e dos seus outros legítimos protagonistas, sob pena do esvaziamento de instancias importantes de deliberação e decisão política quotidiano. A metodologia utilizada neste trabalho foi a hipotética dedutiva.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Ativismo Judicial; Democracia; Representação PolíticaABSTRACTThe objective of this work is to verify to what extent it is possible to conciliate judicial activism and democracy, considering mainly the challenges presented by contemporary social relations. The justification of this proposal is based on the fact that the Judiciary has been increasingly sought to deal with demands involving the inadequacies of governmental public policies in the face of fundamental rights. We point out as a problem of the approach to verify if it is possible to overcome possible tensions between the excess of judicial activism and democracy as a political representation also institutional of other powers, and as a hypothesis the premise that it should be adopted, for the solution of the problem, the oxygenated understanding of Democracy and its other legitimate protagonists, under penalty of emptying important instances of deliberation and daily political decision. The methodology used in this work was the hypothetical deductive. KEY-WORDS: Judicial Activism; Democracy; Political Representation

scholarly journals SEPARAÇÃO DE PODERES E ATIVISMO JUDICIAL: LEGISLAÇÃO SIMBÓLICA E OS DIREITOS FUNDAMENTAIS

Percurso ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (29) ◽  
pp. 377
Author(s):  
Sirlene Elias RIBEIRO
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Judicial Activism ◽  
Division Of Powers ◽  
Federal Constitution ◽  
Federal Supreme

RESUMOO presente artigo cuida de uma análise da atuação dos poderes Legislativo Executivo e Judiciário na realização e implementação dos direitos fundamentais previstos na Constituição Federal do Brasil. O Enfoque dado ao trabalho é a análise de considerações e definições doutrinárias acerca do tema proposto, bem como de julgados do Supremo Tribunal Federal, com o objetivo de uma conclusão acerca do crescimento do ativismo judicial e da judicialização das políticas públicas voltadas aos direitos humanos, passando por uma análise da elaboração de legislação simbolicamente e de uma atuação simbólica do Tribunal nas questões de direitos fundamentais. PALAVRAS-CHAVES: Ativismo; Judicialização; Divisão de Poderes; Legislação Simbólica. ABSTRACTThis article analyzes the performance of the Executive and Judiciary Legislative powers in the realization and implementation of fundamental rights foreseen in the Federal Constitution of Brazil. The focus of the work is the analysis of doctrinal considerations and definitions about the proposed theme, as well as of the Brasilian Federal Supreme Court, with the objective of a conclusion about the growth of judicial activism and the judicialization of public policies focused on human rights, through the analysis of the symbolic drafting of legislation and a symbolic role of the Court in matters of fundamental rights. KEYWORDS: Activism; Judicialization; Division of powers; Symbolic Legislation.

HISTOPATHOLOGY OF THE PIGMENTED TUMORAL-LIKE LESIONS OF THE SKIN AT HUE HOSPITAL OF MEDICINE AND PHARMACY UNIVERSITY

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 65-69
Author(s):  
Mao Nguyen Van ◽  
Dong Tran Nam
Keyword(s):  
Key Words ◽  
Definitive Diagnosis ◽  
The Other ◽  
Cell Tumour ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Skin Tumour ◽  
Clinical Appearance ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Common ◽  
Difficult Cases

Background: Pigmented tumour of the skin is one of the common tumour in human including the benign pigmented tumours (more common) called Nevi tumours and the malignant one called melanoma which was less frequent but the most poor in prognosis. In addition, the others not belonging to these group had the same clinical appearance, so the application of histopathology and immunohistochemistry for the definitive diagnosis was indespensible. Objectives: 1. To describe the macroscopic features of the pigmented tumoral-like lesions; 2. To classify the histopathologic types of the pigmented cell tumours and the other pigmented tumours of the skin. Materials and Method: Cross-sectional research on 55 patients diagnosed as pigmented tumoral lesions by clinician, then all definitively diagnosed by histopathology combining the immunohistochemistry in difficult cases. Results: There was no difference in gender, the disease was discovered most common in adult, especially with the age over 51 years old (58.1%). the most region located was in the face accounting for 60%, following the trunk and limbs (14.6%, 12.8% respectively). All 3 malignant melanomas happened in foot. The most common color of the lesions was black (65.4%), the other ones were rose, grey and blue. Histopathology and immunohisthochemistry showed that the true pigmented cell tumours were 52.6% encompassing benign ones (Nevi tumour) (41.8%), melanoma (5.4%) and lentigo (5.4%). 47.4% was not the true pigmented cell tumour including pigmented basocellular carcinoma (36.4%) and the others less common as histiofibromas, acanthoma and papilloma. Conclusion: the pigmented tumoral-like lesions of the skin could be the true pigmented cell tumours and the others, so the application of the histopathology and the immunohistochemistry after the clinical discovery helps to determine and classify the disease definitely and for the best orientation of treatment as well. Key words: skin tumour, benign pigmented tumour (Nevi), malignant pigmented tumour (melanoma), pigmented basocellular carcinoma

JUDICIÁRIO E POLÍTICAS PÚBLICAS: ANÁLISE SOBRE A SEPARAÇÃO DOS PODERES NO ESTADO SOCIAL E A EFETIVAÇÃO DOS DIREITOS FUNDAMENTAIS AOS PRESOSJUDICIARY AND PUBLIC POLICIES: ANALYSIS OF THE SEPARATION OF POWERS IN THE WELFARE STATE AND THE PRISONERS FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS' REALIZATION

2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (13) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gianpaolo Poggio Smanio (Universidade Mackenzie) ◽  
Orly Kibrit (Universidade Mackenzie)
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
The Welfare State

O presente artigo trata da necessidade de efetivação da cidadania no Estado Social. Aborda a necessidade de formulação de políticas públicas com esse objetivo, demonstrando a superação do modelo de Estado Liberal. A partir dessa ideia, mostra que a formulação e execução de políticas públicas competem, de acordo com a teoria clássica da separação de poderes, aos Poderes Legislativo e Executivo. Todavia, no Estado Social, em que os direitos fundamentais são constitucionalmente assegurados, ao Poder Judiciário é permitido interferir nessas funções, diante de omissão dos demais Poderes, a fim de fazer valer tais direitos. Pela análise de recente julgado proferido pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, pretende demonstrar que tal possibilidade é assegurada em nosso ordenamento jurídico, sendo plenamente válida a atuação do Poder Judiciário para fazer valer os direitos fundamentais diante da omissão dos outros poderes estatais.

Two Theories of Effective Government

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes Lindvall
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
Methodological Approach ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Precise Definition ◽  
Policy Changes ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter introduces the problem of “reform capacity” (the ability of political decision-makers to adopt and implement policy changes that benefit society as a whole, by adjusting public policies to changing economic, social, and political circumstances). The chapter also reviews the long-standing discussion in political science about the relationship between political institutions and effective government. Furthermore, the chapter explains why the possibility of compensation matters greatly for the politics of reform; provides a precise definition of the concept of reform capacity; describes the book's general approach to this problem; and discusses the ethics of compensating losers from reform; and presents the book's methodological approach.

scholarly journals Black entrepreneurship and ethnic beauty salons: possibilities forresistance in the social (re)construction of black identity

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (87) ◽  
pp. 589-609
Author(s):  
Ana Flávia Rezende ◽  
Flávia Luciana Naves Mafra ◽  
Jussara Jéssica Pereira
Keyword(s):  
Racial Identity ◽  
Black Men ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Field Research ◽  
Phenotypic Traits ◽  
Black Racial Identity ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Face ◽  
Black Entrepreneurship ◽  
Racial Ethnic

ABSTRACT This paper addresses the case of five lack entrepreneurs who own businesses a public that for years has denied a esthetic and phenotypic traits. These spaces, branded as ‘ethnic salons’, aim to take care of the curly and / or Afrohair of Black men and women.In the face of this context, we ask: how canBlack entrepreneurs and enterprisesconfront colonialmentality in social relations, by creating businesses aimed at giving value to, and appreciatingthe identity of Black men and women? The field research was conducted via observations and interviews,collecting narratives from both. The narratives went through a process of synthesis and analysisprocesses that allowed us to flag the motivesbehind these enterprises, as well as the racial/ethnic acceptance present in these spaces. Thus, the main contribution of this paper is to discuss ‘hairtype’ as a constitutive element of Black racial identity, and the opportunity for more autonomywhen entering the labor market.

Fundamental rights protection within the EU governance through the CJEU's jurisprudence

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Μαρία-Νεφέλη Βακουλή
Keyword(s):  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Judicial Activism ◽  
Rights Protection ◽  
Eu Governance ◽  
The Eu

Η παρούσα διατριβή αναλύει το ζήτημα της προστασίας των θεμελιωδών δικαιωμάτων της ΕΕ με ειδική αναφορά στον ρόλο του Δικαστηρίου της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης (ΔΕΕ) και της νομολογίας του στα πλαίσια της ευρωπαϊκής διακυβέρνησης. Η νομολογία του ΔΕΕ περί την προστασία των θεμελιωδών δικαιωμάτων αναλύεται με επίκεντρο το Δικαστήριο ως θεσμικό όργανο της ΕΕ και διερευνάται ο ρόλος του ΔΕΕ στην επίτευξη της ευρωπαϊκής ολοκλήρωσης. Εξετάζει την αντιμετώπιση από το ΔΕΕ των ζητημάτων περί το άσυλο με ιδιαίτερη έμφαση στη νομολογία μετά τη Λισαβόνα. Επιπλέον, η παρούσα διατριβή εξετάζει τον ρόλο του ΔΕΕ στα πλαίσια σύγχρονων ζητημάτων σε ευρωπαϊκό και διεθνές επίπεδο, όπως η πρόσφατη απόφαση του Γερμανικού Συνταγματικού Δικαστηρίου (PSPP judgement), η Κοινή Δήλωση ΕΕ-Τουρκίας και η προσχώρηση της ΕΕ στην ΕΣΔΑ. Το Μέρος Ι, «Θεμελιώδη δικαιώματα της ΕΕ και ΔΕΕ», προσδιορίζει το αντικείμενο της έρευνας και θέτει το επιλεγμένο θεωρητικό πλαίσιο. Αναλύει την προστασία των θεμελιωδών δικαιωμάτων της ΕΕ από το ΔΕΕ μέσω της θεωρίας του Ιστορικού θεσμισμού. Επικεντρώνεται στον θεσμικό ρόλο του Δικαστηρίου στη θέσπιση της έννομης τάξης της ΕΕ. Η Συνθήκη της Λισαβόνας και ο Χάρτης των Θεμελιωδών Δικαιωμάτων της ΕΕ αναλύονται ως κρίσιμες στιγμές στην πορεία της νομολογίας του Δικαστηρίου. Αναλύεται το θεμελιώδες δικαίωμα στο άσυλο όπως αυτό προστατεύεται από το άρθρο 18 του Χάρτη Θεμελιωδών Δικαιωμάτων της ΕΕ. Το Μέρος II, «Προστασία των Θεμελιωδών Δικαιωμάτων σε καιρό κρίσης», πραγματεύεται την δικαστική προστασία των θεμελιωδών δικαιωμάτων της ΕΕ στο πλαίσιο της προσφυγικής/μεταναστευτικής κρίσης και παράσχει μια λεπτομερή περιγραφή της κρίσης ως φαινομένου με ισχυρή δυναμική που δύναται να επηρεάσει τη διαδικασία της ευρωπαϊκής ολοκλήρωσης. Η διατριβή περιλαμβάνει ολοκληρωμένη επισκόπηση της νομολογίας του Δικαστηρίου βάσει έρευνας μέσω της πλατφόρμας EUR-Lex αναφορικά με τη νομοθεσία για το ΚΕΣΑ και τον κανονισμό του Δουβλίνου στα πλαίσιο της διαδικασίας για το προδικαστικό ερώτημα. Εισάγονται οι έννοιες του «ισορροπημένου δικαστικού ακτιβισμού» (balanced judicial activism) και της «αιτιολογημένης δικαστικής παθητικότητας» (justifiable judicial passivism) που θέτουν τα όρια στην λήψη αποφάσεων του ΔΕΕ. Και για τις δύο έννοιες, ο «κίνδυνος» για την ευρωπαϊκή ολοκλήρωση είναι ζωτικής σημασίας. Τέλος, γίνεται αναφορά στη δικαστική αλληλεπίδραση μεταξύ του ΔΕΕ και του ΕΔΔΑ και τίθεται το ερώτημα εάν η αλληλεπίδραση αυτή αρκεί για να εξασφαλιστεί η συνοχή στην προστασία των θεμελιωδών δικαιωμάτων στην Ευρώπη ή αν απαιτείται το επόμενο βήμα, ήτοι η προσχώρηση της ΕΕ στην ΕΣΔΑ.

The Virtues Needed by Experts in Action

2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-157
Author(s):  
Andrea Lavazza ◽  
Mirko Farina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
Real Life ◽  
Social Contexts ◽  
Epistemic Authority ◽  
Relational Autonomy ◽  
Intellectual Humility ◽  
The Face ◽  
Specialist Knowledge

The current Covid-19 pandemic is illustrative of both the need of more experts and of the difficulties that can arise in the face of their decisions. This happens, we argue, because experts usually interact with society through a strongly naturalistic framework, which often places experts’ epistemic authority (understood as neutrality and objectivity) at the centre, sometimes at the expenses of other pluralistic values (such as axiological ones) that people (often non-experts) cherish. In this paper, we argue that we need to supplement such a strong naturalistic framework used to promote epistemic authority with a number of virtues -both intellectual and ethical- which include i. intellectual humility, ii. courage, iii. wisdom and cares, as well as iv. relational autonomy. To illustrate this claim, we discuss these ideas in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic and analyse a set of real-life examples where important decisions have been delegated to experts merely based on their epistemic authority. We use the illustrative failures described in the case studies above-mentioned to call for a revision of current understandings of expertise (merely based on epistemic soundness). Specifically, we argue that in social contexts we increasingly need “experts in action”; that is, people with certified specialist knowledge, who can however translate it into practical suggestions, decisions, and/or public policies that are ethically more balanced and that ultimately lead to fairer, more inclusive, and more representative decisions.

scholarly journals Regulating Genome Editing: For an Enlightened Democratic Governance

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
GIULIA CAVALIERE ◽  
KATRIEN DEVOLDER ◽  
ALBERTO GIUBILINI
Keyword(s):  
Genome Editing ◽  
Moral Psychology ◽  
Moral Status ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Theoretical Level ◽  
Ethical Pluralism ◽  
The Face

Abstract:How should we regulate genome editing in the face of persistent substantive disagreement about the moral status of this technology and its applications? In this paper, we aim to contribute to resolving this question. We first present two diametrically opposed possible approaches to the regulation of genome editing. A first approach, which we refer to as “elitist,” is inspired by Joshua Greene’s work in moral psychology. It aims to derive at an abstract theoretical level what preferences people would have if they were committed to implementing public policies regulating genome editing in a context of ethical pluralism. The second approach, which we refer to as the democratic approach, defended by Francoise Baylis and Sheila Jasanoff et al., emphasizes the importance of including the public’s expressed attitudes in the regulation of genome editing. After pointing out a serious shortcoming with each of these approaches, we propose our own favored approach—the “enlightened democracy” approach—which attempts to combine the strengths of the elitist and democratic approaches while avoiding their weaknesses.

scholarly journals Religious Engagement and the Migration Issue: Towards Reconciling Political and Moral Duty

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 236
Author(s):  
Joanna Kulska
Keyword(s):  
Ethical Issues ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Religious Engagement ◽  
The Face ◽  
Religious Actors

The increasingly acknowledged post-secular perspective has resulted in the emergence of some new approaches theorizing this phenomenon. One such approach has been the concept of religious engagement, which calls for the redefinition of the perception of religious non-state actors towards including them as important partners in the process of identifying and realizing political goals. According to this view, due to the multidimensional role played by religious communities and non-state religious actors, they need to be recognized as pivotal in creating a new form of knowledge generated through encounter and dialogue of the political decision-makers with these subjects. Among numerous others, the challenge of migration calls for enhanced debate referring to both political and ethical issues. When such a perspective is applied, the question is raised of the duties and limits of nation-states using more or less harsh political measures towards refugees and migrants based on the concept of security, but also short-term political goals. In the face of a state’s lack of will or capacity to deal with the problem of migration, the question of religion serving not only as the service-provider but also as the “trend-setter” with regard to fundamental ethical questions needs to be considered.

Critical Lines of Action for Vulnerability and Resilience Research and Practice: Lessons from the 2017 Hurricane Season

2018 ◽  
Vol 05 (02n03) ◽  
pp. 1850015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hallie Eakin ◽  
Tischa A. Muñoz-Erickson ◽  
Maria Carmen Lemos
Keyword(s):  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Information Access ◽  
The United States ◽  
Transformative Change ◽  
Economic Disparities ◽  
Research And Practice ◽  
Hurricane Season ◽  
The Face ◽  
Critical Lines

The unprecedented number of devastating disasters recently experienced in the United States is a clarion call to revisit how we understand our vulnerability in the face of global change, and what we are prepared to do about it. We focus on the case of Hurricane María’s impact in Puerto Rico to underscore five critical concerns in addressing vulnerability and adaptation planning: (i) vulnerability as a product of flows; (ii) how our beliefs about the capacities of ourselves and others affect local vulnerability; (iii) the role uncertainty, politics, and information access play in amplifying vulnerability and complicating adaptation; (iv) the need for a better distribution of risk and responsibility in adaptation; (v) and the challenge of seizing the opportunity of disasters for transformative change. These five issues of concern were particularly evident in the case of Puerto Rico where Hurricane María’s 155 mph winds exposed existing infrastructural vulnerabilities, institutional incapacities, and socio-economic disparities. We argue that addressing these issues requires fundamental shifts in how we prepare for environmental change and disasters in the 21st century. We discuss promising approaches that may assist researchers and practitioners in addressing some of the underlying drivers of vulnerability, stemming from cross-scalar dynamics, systemic interdependencies, and the politics and social relations associated with knowledge, decision-making and action. We argue that society needs to broach the difficult topic of the equity in the distribution of risk in society and the burden of adaptation. Addressing these challenges and response imperatives is a central task of this century; the time to act is now.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document