scholarly journals A 17. századi svéd gyarmatosítás egy rövid epizódja

2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 25-38
Author(s):  
Brigitta Kinga Schvéd
Keyword(s):  
North America ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Gold Coast ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Transfer ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The Hague ◽  
First Time ◽  
New Sweden

The possibility of Swedish colonialism emerged for the first time during the reign of Gustav II Adolph of Sweden (1611–1632), when he issued a decree on the policy of Swedish colonization outside Europe in 1625. The Kingdom of Sweden was one of the most spectacularly expanding states in Europe in the 17th century, and the unmatched success of Swedish dynasticism was primarily due to their expansive foreign policy. The establishment of the Swedish colonization of the era – the founding of New Sweden in North America and the Swedish Gold Coast in West Africa – composed important foreground to the Swedish expansion. It is essential to explore the Dutch cultural transfer and intermediation in order to analyze the phenomenon of Swedish colonization, as the political and economic relations with The Hague (Staten-Generaal) and the activity of Dutch agents, diplomats, artists, architects, traders and entrepreneurs produced important background for the Kingdom of Sweden’s ambitions in the 17th century. The present study summarizes the Swedish colonization in North America and examines the activities of the Swedish Africa Company (Svenska Afrikakompaniet) from 1648–1649 to 1663, from the point of view of the Swedish–Dutch cultural transfers of the era, due to the Dutch affiliates involved in the operation of the company.

scholarly journals Sapiehas estate document from the end of the 17th century as a source of the family’s economic and political history

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 164-179
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Ziober
Keyword(s):  
Political History ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The Family ◽  
Political Scene

Abstract Property documents and more precisely, the inventories of earthly goods can be very helpful in explaining complicated political affairs. Also the nobles’ names, which are mentioned in registers, may show us the influence and the composition of the nobility, from which the lider’s property were leased. Residents of manors, which belonged to the Sapieha Family, actually were forced to gain some contact and be dependent on the Family, even if it was a part of economic relations, which could easily be transformed into a personal one. However, the manor reliances undoubtedly opened up opportunities for both sides, which juxtaposed the benefits and losses with possible closer cooperation. Despite property ties, by analyzing the mentioned document we can find out (among other knowledge) the information about subordination and independence. Moreover it is possible to take the notice of the moodiness of the political scene or of the global political tendencies of residents what was the scope of interests for researcher of economists and goods.

Scandinavia in the Atlantic World

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Klas Rönnbäck
Keyword(s):  
Atlantic World ◽  
Slave Trade ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
Gold Coast ◽  
Transatlantic Slave Trade ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
New Sweden

The Scandinavian countries established overseas settlements in Africa and the Americas, starting in the 17th century. In Africa, trading stations were initially established with the consent of local rulers. The Danish trading stations on the Gold Coast developed in time into a more formal colony. In the Americas, Scandinavian settlements were of various natures, including the short-lived settlement colony of New Sweden and slavery-based plantation societies in the Caribbean. The Caribbean colonies would bear resemblance to many other Caribbean plantation economies of the time. The Scandinavian countries also participated in the transatlantic slave trade: while these countries might have been responsible for a quite small share of the total transatlantic slave trade, the trade was large compared to the size of the domestic population in these countries. The formal abolition of the slave trade, and later of slavery, in the Scandinavian colonies made the colonial possessions unimportant or even burdens for the Scandinavian states, so that the colonies eventually were sold to other European nations.

Pastoral Landscape with Indians: George Copway and the Political Unconscious of the American Pastoral

Prospects ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Sweet
Keyword(s):  
North America ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mary Rowlandson ◽  
King Philip's War ◽  
Political Unconscious ◽  
Colonial Economy ◽  
The Town

After squanto taught the colonists at Plymouth in 1620 “both the manner how to set [their corn], and after how to dress and tend it,” Indians seem to have disappeared from the American pastoral scene, except as unwelcome intruders. Seventeen years later, writes William Bradford, “the Pequots fell openly on the English at Connecticut, in the lower parts of the river, and slew sundry of them as they were at work in the fields.” Mary Rowlandson opens the story of her captivity during King Philip's War similarly, describing how the Narragansetts came out of the wilderness to attack the farmsteads at Lancaster, setting fire to buildings “with flax and hemp, which they brought out of the barn,” and later celebrated by feasting on the animals they had captured: “miserable was the waste that was there made, of horses, cattle, sheep, swine, calves, lambs, roasting pigs, and fowl (which they had plundered in the town) some roasting, some lying and burning, and some boiling to feed our merciless enemies.” These accounts — in which Indians violate the pastoral scene, killing peaceful tillers of the soil and wantonly consuming the stock that had been so carefully husbanded — suggest that in the 17th Century, despite the original beneficence of Squanto, Indian “savagery” was perceived as a threat not only to the lives of individual colonists but to agriculture itself, the foundation of the colonial economy in North America. But it was the agrarian culture of the English that turned the Indians into “savages,” for the Pequot War and King Philip's War began, as Francis Jennings has demonstrated, with the colonists' hunger for land.

scholarly journals EL PLANEAMIENTO ESTRATÉGICO MILITAR EN ARGENTINA (2003-2013): REFLEXIONES EN TORNO AL GOBIERNO POLÍTICO DE LA DEFENSA

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luciano Anzelini ◽  
Iván Poczynok
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Defense Policy ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military ◽  
First Time ◽  
Core Problem

The national defense policy of Argentina has experienced advances and regressions since the democratic return in 1983. This result has been connected to the dynamics that civil-military relations have inherited from the dictatorial period. The necessity to subordinate the Armed Forces dominated the defense agenda during most part of the democratic period, constituting the core problem of this jurisdiction.The democratic governments implemented various initiatives that underpinned the civil control of the Armed Forces and that also caused, from a normative point of view, what has been characterised as a “basic consensus”. These measures restricted the autonomy of the men in uniform, whether through the demilitarization of civil functions or through the specific delimitation of the martial responsibilities.The habilitation of the spaces required for the exercise of the political administration of the jurisdiction did not necessarily implied, however, that civilians have fully developed this task. The performance of the democratic authorities in the area of defense had its ups-and-downs. At times, these deficiencies were associated to the very restraints of the domestic political conjuncture; at others, they resulted from the planning of the specific agenda of the sector, though.This paper studies the performances of the Ministry of Defense demarches during 2003-2013. The analysis focuses on the conduction of the strategic dimension of the sector; punctually, on the relative responsibilities of the military strategic planning. In this frame, the demarches of ministers José Pampuro (2003-05), Nilda Garré (2005-10) and Arturo Puricelli (2010-13) are resorted to.The temporal cutout of the study object assumes that a battery of unprecedented measures were implemented. For the first time since the return of democracy, for example, an effective debate on the conduction of the strategic dimension of the defense policy was addressed. Nevertheless, for reasons that are object of analysis during this article, the empowerment process of the political conduction survived along with ambiguities and retrogressions that, during the same period, made the absence of solid consensus regarding the results of the sectorial agenda evident.

A Discussion between Quebecois Social Anthropologists and Historians

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (51) ◽  
pp. 113-140
Author(s):  
Denis Vorobiev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Structure ◽  
First Nations ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Intergenerational Continuity ◽  
The Relationship

The article examines the debate between Quebecois anthropologists and historians around the “disparationist” thesis. According to this thesis, first expressed in several 17th century texts, the Attikamegues and Montagnais peoples had completely disappeared by the end of that century due to epidemics and Iroquois raids, and the territories in which they lived were occupied by alien autochthonous groups. Therefore, the modern Innu and Atikamekw are implied not to be the direct descendants of the people who lived here before the arrival of Europeans. Anthropologists criticize this thesis, stressing intergenerational continuity. They see it as a political notion that denies the indigenous rights of the First Nations. The author examines the critical arguments of the anthropologists and tries to reveal the relationship between the political implications of the problem and its purely scientific component. From his point of view, the “disparationist” thesis does not take into account the mobility and the relatively amorphous social structure of taiga hunters, in which even the replacement of some groups by others does not imply a break in continuity.

scholarly journals Politicization and conflict in the relationship with the European Union: an analysis of Italian Prime Ministers' parliamentary speeches

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Eugenio Salvati
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Sharp Criticism ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Eu

Abstract In recent years, the relationship between Italy and the European Union (EU) has worsened due to the emergence of an increasingly negative attitude towards the question of European integration. The growth in citizens' disaffection with, and hostility towards, the political elites is part of a more general trend witnessed throughout the EU. From this point of view, an understanding of whether, and in what way, the role of Prime Minister (PM) has been affected by this change of perspective, especially following the various crises affecting the EU in the last 10 years, would be worthwhile we believe. This article examines the political positions of all PM during the so-called Second Republic (1994–now), by means of a longitudinal content analysis. This analysis reveals that after 2008, and for the first time in the history of the Italy–EU relationship, PMs' speeches have included sharp criticism of the EU. In particular, two PMs (Renzi and Conte) have clearly rejected those conditionality mechanisms implied by the EU. The results of this study confirm the start of a phase of strong conflict/politicization in regard to the EU and its institutional functioning. This article contributes to the broader literature concerning the study of the relationship between political elites and the EU, by focusing for the first time not simply on party leaders but on one of the most important institutional roles in the Italian political system (the Presidenza del Consiglio).

scholarly journals Qualifying Adjectives and Saturation by Ethos

Kalbotyra ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 74 ◽  
pp. 124-140
Author(s):  
Dominique Maingueneau
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Religious Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
The Universe

Since the end of the 1990s, research on discursive ethos – the image of the speaker which is projected by his or her utterance – has been very active in discourse analysis. It contributes to a better understanding of how an enunciation can attract the support of addressees. But in general, this research 1) focuses on isolated texts or individual speakers, not on discursive formations, 2) does not take into account the lexicon when it does not have clear ideological content. On the contrary, this article deals with the role played by some French polysemous adjectives (simple, doux, clair) to make the incorporation (Maingueneau 1999) of readers or listeners possible, to make them adhere to the universe of meaning that is proposed to them. This point of view is first illustrated by the study of an advertising text, before being applied to large discursive formations: a religious movement (“devout humanism”) of the first half of the 17th century; and, in the political field, two antagonistic positions in France under the French Third Republic (1870–1940): the handbooks of Republican School and the monarchist movement “l’Action Française”. We are led to conclude that adjectives, by their polysemy, “saturate discourse.” Through ethos, discourse does not only persuade by the ideas it delivers: it also sets the addressee in a speech scene that partakes of the semantic characteristics of the ideological universe that discourse aims to promote.

Three questions to political economy (An attempt of system introspection)

2018 ◽  
pp. 118-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. B. Kleiner
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Science ◽  
Linear Component ◽  
Capitalist System ◽  
Economic Space ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
System Paradigm

The development of the system paradigm in economic science leads to the formulation of a number of important questions to the political economy as one of the basic directions of economic theory. In this article, on the basis of system introspection, three questions are considered. The first is the relevance of the class approach to the structuring of the socio-economic space; the second is the feasibility of revising the notion of property in the modern world; the third is the validity of the notion of changing formations as the sequence of “slave-owning system — feudal system — capitalist system”. It is shown that in modern society the system approach to the structuring of socio-economic space is more relevant than the class one. Today the classical notion of “property” does not reflect the diversity of production and economic relations in society and should be replaced by the notion of “system property”, which provides a significant expansion of the concepts of “subject of property” and “object of property”. The change of social formations along with the linear component has a more influential cyclic constituent and obeys the system-wide cyclic regularity that reflects the four-cycle sequence of the dominance of one of the subsystems of the macrosystem: project, object, environment and process.

Politični položaj na Slovenskem leta 1919

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
New Era ◽  
Party Organisation ◽  
Western Border ◽  
Historical Phenomenon ◽  
First Time ◽  
Similar Development

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.

A Confrontation between Two Doctrines: The Birth of Struggle for Hegemony in Hebrew Children's Literature during the 1930s and 1940s

2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
YAEL DARR
Keyword(s):  
Children's Literature ◽  
Educational System ◽  
Single Channel ◽  
Children’S Literature ◽  
The Political ◽  
Literary Creation ◽  
History Of ◽  
High Level ◽  
First Time ◽  
Literary Quality

This article describes a crucial and fundamental stage in the transformation of Hebrew children's literature, during the late 1930s and 1940s, from a single channel of expression to a multi-layered polyphony of models and voices. It claims that for the first time in the history of Hebrew children's literature there took place a doctrinal confrontation between two groups of taste-makers. The article outlines the pedagogical and ideological designs of traditionalist Zionist educators, and suggests how these were challenged by a group of prominent writers of adult poetry, members of the Modernist movement. These writers, it is argued, advocated autonomous literary creation, and insisted on a high level of literary quality. Their intervention not only dramatically changed the repertoire of Hebrew children's literature, but also the rules of literary discourse. The article suggests that, through the Modernists’ polemical efforts, Hebrew children's literature was able to free itself from its position as an apparatus controlled by the political-educational system and to become a dynamic and multi-layered field.

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