scholarly journals Qualifying Adjectives and Saturation by Ethos

Kalbotyra ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 74 ◽  
pp. 124-140
Author(s):  
Dominique Maingueneau
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Religious Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
The Universe

Since the end of the 1990s, research on discursive ethos – the image of the speaker which is projected by his or her utterance – has been very active in discourse analysis. It contributes to a better understanding of how an enunciation can attract the support of addressees. But in general, this research 1) focuses on isolated texts or individual speakers, not on discursive formations, 2) does not take into account the lexicon when it does not have clear ideological content. On the contrary, this article deals with the role played by some French polysemous adjectives (simple, doux, clair) to make the incorporation (Maingueneau 1999) of readers or listeners possible, to make them adhere to the universe of meaning that is proposed to them. This point of view is first illustrated by the study of an advertising text, before being applied to large discursive formations: a religious movement (“devout humanism”) of the first half of the 17th century; and, in the political field, two antagonistic positions in France under the French Third Republic (1870–1940): the handbooks of Republican School and the monarchist movement “l’Action Française”. We are led to conclude that adjectives, by their polysemy, “saturate discourse.” Through ethos, discourse does not only persuade by the ideas it delivers: it also sets the addressee in a speech scene that partakes of the semantic characteristics of the ideological universe that discourse aims to promote.

scholarly journals A 17. századi svéd gyarmatosítás egy rövid epizódja

2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 25-38
Author(s):  
Brigitta Kinga Schvéd
Keyword(s):  
North America ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Gold Coast ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Transfer ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The Hague ◽  
First Time ◽  
New Sweden

The possibility of Swedish colonialism emerged for the first time during the reign of Gustav II Adolph of Sweden (1611–1632), when he issued a decree on the policy of Swedish colonization outside Europe in 1625. The Kingdom of Sweden was one of the most spectacularly expanding states in Europe in the 17th century, and the unmatched success of Swedish dynasticism was primarily due to their expansive foreign policy. The establishment of the Swedish colonization of the era – the founding of New Sweden in North America and the Swedish Gold Coast in West Africa – composed important foreground to the Swedish expansion. It is essential to explore the Dutch cultural transfer and intermediation in order to analyze the phenomenon of Swedish colonization, as the political and economic relations with The Hague (Staten-Generaal) and the activity of Dutch agents, diplomats, artists, architects, traders and entrepreneurs produced important background for the Kingdom of Sweden’s ambitions in the 17th century. The present study summarizes the Swedish colonization in North America and examines the activities of the Swedish Africa Company (Svenska Afrikakompaniet) from 1648–1649 to 1663, from the point of view of the Swedish–Dutch cultural transfers of the era, due to the Dutch affiliates involved in the operation of the company.

A Discussion between Quebecois Social Anthropologists and Historians

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (51) ◽  
pp. 113-140
Author(s):  
Denis Vorobiev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Structure ◽  
First Nations ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Intergenerational Continuity ◽  
The Relationship

The article examines the debate between Quebecois anthropologists and historians around the “disparationist” thesis. According to this thesis, first expressed in several 17th century texts, the Attikamegues and Montagnais peoples had completely disappeared by the end of that century due to epidemics and Iroquois raids, and the territories in which they lived were occupied by alien autochthonous groups. Therefore, the modern Innu and Atikamekw are implied not to be the direct descendants of the people who lived here before the arrival of Europeans. Anthropologists criticize this thesis, stressing intergenerational continuity. They see it as a political notion that denies the indigenous rights of the First Nations. The author examines the critical arguments of the anthropologists and tries to reveal the relationship between the political implications of the problem and its purely scientific component. From his point of view, the “disparationist” thesis does not take into account the mobility and the relatively amorphous social structure of taiga hunters, in which even the replacement of some groups by others does not imply a break in continuity.

scholarly journals The Tholiban Brigade Political Da'wah Movement in Tasikmalaya

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-258
Author(s):  
Dadang Kuswana
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
Religious Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Political Bargaining ◽  
The Social ◽  
Religion And State

This study aims to analyze the existence of the Tholiban Brigade movement in Tasikmalaya as a socio-religious movement. The research aims to answer the existence, motives, and transformation of the Tholiban Brigade da'wah movement in the political field. The research was conducted through a qualitative approach through descriptive methods. Data collection was carried out through observation, interviews, and literature study. The results showed that the legalization of Islamic law in the state's formal law was carried out by the Tholiban Brigade to actualize Islamic da'wah towards Islamic daulah. The legalization of Islamic law is carried out in aspirations, participation, coalitions, and regional political bargaining. The motive of the Tholiban Brigade political da'wah movement is the spirit of amar maruf nahi munkar both in individual and social spheres. This is an effort to change the social order towards Islamic life as a whole (kaffah). The transformation of the da'wah movement towards the Brigade Tholiban political movement is based on religious teachings that view Islam as a religion and state. The implication of this research is expected to map the existence of the Tholiban Brigade political da'wah movement in the national political constellation.Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis eksistensi gerakan Brigade Tholiban di Tasikmalaya sebagai sebuah gerakan sosial keagamaan. Penelitian diarahkan pada upaya menjawab eksistensi, motif dan transformasi gerakan dakwah Brigade Tholiban dalam bidang politik. Penelitian dilakukan melalui pendekatan kualitatif melalui metode deskriptif. Pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui observasi, wawancara dan studi pustaka. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa legalisasi syariat Islam dalam hukum formal negara dilakukan oleh Brigade Tholiban sebagai upaya aktualisasi dakwah Islam menuju daulah Islamiyyah. Legalisasi syariat Islam dilakukan dalam bentuk aspirasi, partisipasi, koalisi dan bargaining politik daerah. Motif gerakan dakwah politik Brigade Tholiban adalah spirit amar maruf nahi munkar baik pada lingkup individual maupun sosial. Transformasi gerakan dakwah menuju gerakan politik Brigadi Tholiban didasarkan pada doktrin ajaran agama yang memandang Islam sebagai agama dan negara. Implikasi penelitian ini diharapkan mampu memetakan eksistensi gerakan dakwah politik Brigade Tholiban dalam konstalasi politik nasional.

THE GENESIS OF CONSERVATIVE IDEOLOGY, DEVELOPMENT TRENDS AND PROSPECTS IN THE POLITICAL REFORM OF MODERN COUNTRIES (ON THE EXAMPLE OF RUSSIA AND FRANCE)

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 38-43
Author(s):  
MARIETA EPREMYAN ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Reform ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Development Trends ◽  
Conservative Ideology ◽  
The World ◽  
Christian Conservatism ◽  
The Future ◽  
Conservative Policy ◽  
Depth Interviews

The article examines the epistemological roots of conservative ideology, development trends and further prospects in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in other countries. The author focuses on the “world” and Russian conservatism. In the course of the study, the author illustrates what opportunities and limitations a conservative ideology can have in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in the world. In conclusion, it is concluded that the prospect of a conservative trend in the world is wide enough. To avoid immigration and to control the development of technology in society, it is necessary to adhere to a conservative policy. Conservatism is a consolidating ideology. It is no coincidence that the author cites as an example the understanding of conservative ideology by the French due to the fact that Russia has its own vision of the ideology of conservatism. If we say that conservatism seeks to preserve something and respects tradition, we must bear in mind that traditions in different societies, which form some kind of moral imperatives, cannot be a single phenomenon due to different historical destinies and differing religious views. Considered from the point of view of religion, Muslim and Christian conservatism will be somewhat confrontational on some issues. The purpose of the work was to consider issues related to the role, evolution and prospects of conservative ideology in the political reform of modern countries. The author focuses on Russia and France. To achieve this goal, the method of in-depth interviews with experts on how they understand conservatism was chosen. Already today, conservatism is quite diverse. It is quite possible that in the future it will transform even more and acquire new reflections.

The Fragmentation of the Palestinian Political Field

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 189-216
Author(s):  
Jamil Hilal
Keyword(s):  
Women Workers ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Cultural Field ◽  
National Representation ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Palestinian National Movement ◽  
The Relationship

The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it collapsed in 1948, when, with the British government’s support of the Zionist movement, which succeeded in establishing the state of Israel, the Palestinian national movement was crushed. This article focuses mainly on the Palestinian political field as it developed in the 1960s and 1970s, the beginnings of its fragmentation in the 1990s, and its almost complete collapse in the first decade of this century. It was developed on a structure characterized by the dominance of a center where the political leadership functioned. The center, however, was established outside historic Palestine. This paper examines the components and dynamics of the relationship between the center and the peripheries, and the causes of the decline of this center and its eventual disappearance, leaving the constituents of the Palestinian people under local political leadership following the collapse of the national representation institutions, that is, the political, organizational, military, cultural institutions and sectorial organizations (women, workers, students, etc.) that made up the PLO and its frameworks. The paper suggests that the decline of the political field as a national field does not mean the disintegration of the cultural field. There are, in fact, indications that the cultural field has a new vitality that deserves much more attention than it is currently assigned.

CAPRICCIOʼS GENRE IN MANDOLIN MUSIC AT THE END OF THE 19th – THE EARLY OF THE 20th CENTURIES (for example of the concert pieces by С. Munier)

2019 ◽  
pp. 60-71
Author(s):  
N. V. Bashmakova ◽  
K. V. Kravchenko
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Analytical Methods ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Historical Approach ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Characteristic Features ◽  
Concert Works ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
The 19Th Century

The purpose of this article is process of analyzing in reference to concert capriccio by C. Munier for mandolin with piano («Bizzarria», op. 201, Spanish сapriccio, op. 276) from the point of view of their genre specificity. Methodology. The research is based on the historical approach, which determines the specifics of the genre of Capriccio in the music of the late 19th and early 20th centuries and in the work of C. Munier; the computational and analytical methods used to identify the peculiarities of the formulation and the performing interpretation of the original concert pianos for mandolins with piano that, according to the genre orientation (according to the composerʼs remarks), are defined as capriccio. Scientific novelty. The creation of Florentine composer,61mandolinist-vertuoso and pedagog C. Munier, which made about 300 compositions, is exponential for represented scientific vector. Concert works by C. Munier for mandolin and piano, created in the capriccio genre, were not yet considered in the art of the outdoors, as the creativity and composer’s style of the famous mandolinist. Conclusions. Thus, appealing to capriccio by С. Munier, which created only two works, embodied in them virtually all the evolutionary stages of the development of genre. In his opus of this genre there are a vocal, inherent in capriccio of the 17th century solo presentation, virtuosity, originality, which were embodied in the works of 17th – 18th centuries and the national color of the 19th century is clearly expressed. Thus, the Spanish capriccio is a kind of «musical encyclopedia» of national dance, which features are characteristic features of bolero, tarantella, habanera, and so forth. The originality of opus number 201 – «Bizzarria», is embodied in the parameters of shaping (expanded cadence of the soloist in the beginning) and emphasized virtuosity, which is realized in a wide register range, a variety of technical elements.

Exploring the Diversity of Religion

2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-66
Author(s):  
Arkotong Longkumer
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
Religious Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Alternative Route ◽  
British Colonialism ◽  
The North

This article considers the importance of “religion” and “identity” in the process of fieldwork in the North Cachar Hills, Assam, India. The political sensitivities in the region provided a difficult context in which to do fieldwork. This is chiefly because of the various armed insurrections, which have arisen as a consequence of the complicated remnants of British colonialism (1834–1947), and the subsequent post-independence challenge of nation building in India. This article raises important methodological questions concerning fieldwork and the relational grounding of the fieldworker relative to the inside/outside positions. It reflects on these issues by discussing the Heraka, a Zeme Naga religious movement. Their ambiguity and “in-between” character accommodates both the “neo-Hindu” version of a nation or Hindutva (Hinduness) and the larger Naga (primarily Christian) assertion of their own cultural and religious autonomy. The Heraka provides an alternative route into ideas of nationhood, religious belonging and cultural identity.

The Concept of “Zemsky Sobor” in the Interpretation of State Authority in Russia of the 19th Century: From Karamzin to Stepnyak-Kravchinsky

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 140-155
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Badalyan
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Key Concepts ◽  
State Authority ◽  
The 19Th Century

“Zemsky Sobor” was one of the key concepts in Russian political discourse in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. It can be traced to the notion well-known already since the 17th century. Still in the course of further evolution it received various mew meaning and connotations in the discourse of different political trends. The author of the article examines various stages of this concept configuring in the works of the Decembrists, especially Slavophiles, and then in the political projects and publications of the socialists, liberals and “aristocratic” opposition.

REFLECTION OF THE CURRENT STATE OF PUBLICISTIC JOURNALISM GENRES IN THE SLOVAK MEDIA ENVIRONMENT

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zuzana Kvetanová
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Media Theory ◽  
Logical Analysis ◽  
Periodical Press ◽  
Media Environment ◽  
Current State ◽  
Journalistic Practice ◽  
Opinion Journalism

The submitted study addresses the topic of the current state of the opinion journalism and its genres in the Slovak periodical press. The author draws attention to the question of classification of the opinion journalism of a rational and emotional type from the genre categorization point of view and, simultaneously, reflects on its application in the present journalistic practice. This brings a certain rate of confrontation between the defined theoretical premises and their subsequent practical (non-)implementation. The main objective of the study is to clarify the presence of genres of analytical and literary opinion journalism stated by media theory in the environment of the Slovak periodicals. Presentation of the basic terminological axis and the related explication of journalism genres included in the opinion journalism constitute the secondary objectives of the paper. For the purposes of achieving the set objectives, the author uses methods of logical analysis of text in combination with discourse analysis. Similarly, she predicts the evident presence of the phenomenon of hybridization in the Slovak journalistic practice.

A Critical Discourse Analysis of Grace Natalie Louisa’s Speech

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adib Rifqi Setiawan
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Speech ◽  
Political Purpose

The Critical Discourse Analysis is often applied to analyze political discourse including the political speech. This article analyzes Grace Natalie Louisa’s Speech, mainly in Festival 11 by Partai Solidaritas Indonesia (PSI), that is exclusively based on the perspective of Teun Adrianus van Dijk. It reveals that we can learn how to deliver our ideology to public. Moreover, we can have a better understanding of the political purpose of these speeches.

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