scholarly journals Comparing public support for wildlife protection and climate protection

Envigogika ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Krajhanzl ◽  
Tomáš Chabada
Keyword(s):  
Public Support ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Climate Protection ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Environmental Attitude ◽  
Wildlife Protection ◽  
Non Profit ◽  
The Public ◽  
Younger Age ◽  
Nationally Representative

In this study we provide a detailed analysis and comparison of the public support for climate protection and wildlife protection using nationally representative data from the Czech Republic. The results of regression analyses have shown that support for both protections is significantly increasing with growing pro-environmental beliefs of people, leisure time they spent in nature and their altruism. Support for climate protection also rises with higher election participation, left-wing political orientation and younger age. Support for wildlife protection increases with growing trust in non-profit organizations while decreases with growing trust in science & research institutions. The comparison of groups defined according to their consent with climate protection and wildlife protection showed that support for wildlife protection can be characterized as a more inclusive environmental attitude than support for climate protection. The paper discusses the implications of these findings for protagonists of environmental politics and ways how they approach the public.

Mobilising ‘Minutemen’: Predicting Public Support for Anti-Immigration Activism in the United States

2013 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 195-212
Author(s):  
Matthew Ward
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cultural Beliefs ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Willingness To Participate ◽  
Sequential Process ◽  
Economic Threat ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Actual Participation

Advances in social movement research conceptualise micromobilisation as – at least – a two-step sequential process in which willingness to participate must first be generated and then translated into actual participation. However, such research often ignores a more fundamental first step in this process: the generation of movement support. I address this gap by drawing on a nationally representative sample of adults in the United States – who either sympathised with or opposed anti-immigration activism – to identify individual attributes differentiating anti-immigration movement supporters and non-supporters. Perceptions of economic threat, waning confidence in political leadership, and prejudicial cultural beliefs about Latinos represent attributes differentiated movement supporters from non-supporters. Power devaluation theory is used as an overarching framework to meaningfully interpret these results. More generally, I argue that grievances play an important, yet under theorised role in jumpstarting conservative micromobilisation and that principles from power devaluation theory can help us understand the differentiation of movement support, irrespective of a social movement's political orientation.

scholarly journals Allmänhetens syn på våldsbejakande extremism: En balans mellan sociala, ekonomiska och polisiära åtgärder

2020 ◽  
Vol 107 (3) ◽  
pp. 197-216
Author(s):  
Lars Korsell ◽  
Tomas Axelson ◽  
Jonas Stier
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Social Trust ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Swedish Population ◽  
The Public ◽  
Swedish Model ◽  
Violent Extremism ◽  
Swedish Society ◽  
Democratic Principles

AbstractThe so-called Swedish model of trust is characterised by strong public support for the idea of an individual-based and extensive welfare state, well-developed state individualism, high levels of social trust, widespread appreciation of the judiciary, openness, tolerance, and a free and independent press. Today, Swedish society faces several challenges. Will the Swedish model of trust be eroded or is it relatively resilient to stress? A Novus survey from 2019 found that a total of 74 percent of the Swedish population were very or quite worried about Islamic extremism, 66 percent very or quite worried about right-wing extremism and 46 percent very or quite worried about left-wing extremism. Other surveys show that the public is also concerned about the deterioration of the welfare state, social gaps, the increased number of refugees to Sweden and xenophobia. Moreover, the Novus survey shows that 65 percent believe that violence-promoting extremism will increase in Sweden in the coming ten-year period. 22 percent indicate that they have become suspicious of people they have encountered in everyday situations and 15 percent  have avoided large crowds, e.g. shopping malls, pedestrian areas and subways. When asked which measures are good for increasing security in society, common answers were to reduce social exclusion, increase camera surveillance in public places and provide more information on democratic principles and values. These answers indicate that Swedish public opinion has a relatively balanced view of public measures against violent extremism, which is consistent withthe Swedish model of trust. In general, the public does not propose the implementation of overly excessive measures against violent extremism. However, given continued public concern over the development of violent extremism, the long term stability of the Swedish model of trust remains in question.

scholarly journals Hosting Syrian refugees: What works best?

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernesto F. L. Amaral ◽  
Mahlet A. Woldetsadik ◽  
Gabriela Armenta
Keyword(s):  
Public Support ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Syrian Refugees ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
Host Countries ◽  
Non Profit ◽  
Record Keeping ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Sentiment ◽  
What Works

We conducted a study to provide an overview of the situation of Syrian refugees and other non-citizens living in host countries, as well as to summarize a series of policies and legislation towards refugees. We explored the cases of: (1) Turkey, which is one of the main destinations for Syrians fleeing the crisis in their home country; (2) Germany and United Kingdom, high-income countries where the public sentiment about refugees has changed/shifted overtime; (3) Greece and Italy, countries that share a close border with countries from where there are large refugee influxes; and (4) Canada and Australia, which do not share borders with countries from which there is a significant refugee influx and have had some success with integrating migrants and refugees. Our review of refugee policies suggests that successful resettlement of Syrian refugees was mainly due to political commitment coupled with an incredible public support and community engagement, including private sponsorship of refugees. Successful social and economic policies to deal with the refugee crisis demand a combined effort in terms of planning, implementing, monitoring, and assessing initiatives. Most importantly, record keeping and sharing data with stakeholders need to be improved. This is a joint complaint by non-profit organizations and academic institutions.

Democratic Like Us? Political Orientation and the Effect of Making Democracy Salient on Anti-Israel Attitude

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-107
Author(s):  
Yphtach Lelkes ◽  
Ariel Malka ◽  
Penelope Sheets
Keyword(s):  
Psychological Theory ◽  
Strategic Communication ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Social Psychological ◽  
The Public ◽  
Western Democracy ◽  
Arab Muslim ◽  
The Right

AbstractIsrael is viewed unfavorably among wide segments of the public within several European democracies, despite being regarded itself as a Western democracy. Does drawing attention to Israel's democratic attributes improve views toward Israel? In two surveys with Dutch national samples, anti-Semitic affect, low anti-Arab/Muslim affect, and left-wing political orientation independently predicted anti-Israel sentiment. However, in experiments embedded within the surveys, making salient Israel's democratic attributes had opposite effects on Israel attitude across those on the right and the left – slightly decreasing anti-Israel sentiment among those with a right-wing orientation but slightly increasing anti-Israel sentiment among those with a left-wing orientation. We discuss potential explanations grounded in social psychological theory as well as implications for the strategic communication efforts of groups seeking to influence attitudes toward Israel.

Survey of the sociodemographic and motivational profile of volunteers in oncology

2006 ◽  
Vol 24 (18_suppl) ◽  
pp. 16011-16011
Author(s):  
O. Nanni ◽  
P. Serra ◽  
C. Tison ◽  
M. De Castro ◽  
R. Ridolfi ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Health Sector ◽  
Fund Raising ◽  
Voluntary Work ◽  
Non Profit ◽  
The Public ◽  
Screening Programs ◽  
Younger Age ◽  
High Regard ◽  
Motivational Profile ◽  
Work Done

16011 Background: The volunteer sector developed rapidly in Italy throughout the 1980s, especially in the areas of cancer and palliative care. Istituto Oncologico Romagnolo (IOR), a non profit organization based in Forlì, actively supports the public health sector in the fight against cancer by funding scientific research, organizing voluntary work, promoting education campaigns, and setting up prevention and screening programs. The aim of the present work is to trace a sociodemographic and motivational profile of IOR volunteers. Methods: In May 2005, all IOR volunteers were invited to complete an anonymous questionnaire composed of 12 structured questions designed to collect sociodemographic data, information on type of voluntary work done and the reasoning behind such a choice. Results: Of IOR’s 1043 volunteers, 471 completed the questionnaire, of whom 70% were female and about one-third over 65 years of age. The majority of professions were represented, even though about two-thirds of men and half of the female volunteers were retired. About 40% of the group had been doing voluntary work for more than 10 years. Although fund-raising proved to be the most frequent activity (80%), there is a growing number of volunteers, especially those of a younger age group, involved in home- and hospital-based care. Various reasons were given for becoming a IOR volunteer: ethical considerations (35 % males and 28% females), personal experiences (24% and 38%, respectively), high regard held for IOR and its work (31 and 26%, respectively), and involvement directly through other volunteers (29 and 36%, respectively). Conclusions: The major involvement in fund-raising and perseverance over time of volunteers indicate a favorable social perception of medical research. It also emerged that the decision to start voluntary work was often closely linked to a previous personal experience of loss or disease, especially in female volunteers, who tend to react more constructively and develop a more active and concrete solidarity than men. We can therefore conclude that volunteers in the area of cancer act out of a sense of responsibility and awareness rather than out of pity or a desire for self-gratification. No significant financial relationships to disclose.

Public Opinion

2021 ◽  
pp. 171-182
Author(s):  
Mårten Blix ◽  
Henrik Jordahl
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Public ◽  
For Profit ◽  
Private Providers ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right

The steady privatization of welfare service production has been a longstanding source of political conflict and debate. For-profit providers have met particularly harsh resistance from the left and only mild support from the right. Public opinion is largely skewed against private providers and affects the welfare sector by influencing implemented and expected regulation. In addition to the left–right divide, opinions on private production are split in several other ways. Notably, elected politicians are more supportive of privatization than the voters. The Social Democrats have been a dominant force in Sweden and have long been split on how to address privatization. The party contains a vocal left-wing with ideological objections that wants to stop and reverse course. Another wing of the party is more market-oriented and in some circumstances in favour of choice and competition. A key finding is that public opinion is fairly negative towards for-profit providers, while simultaneously very supportive of opportunities to choose between providers. To an astounding extent, people tend to overestimate the profits of private providers. As a result, the negative opinion against for-profit providers is partly based on misperceptions. Transparency and information are fundamental underpinnings for the public support of privatization.

scholarly journals Socioeconomic Status, Race, and Public Support for School Integration

AERA Open ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 233285842098686
Author(s):  
Deven Carlson ◽  
Elizabeth Bell
Keyword(s):  
Public Support ◽  
Racial Diversity ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Policy Options ◽  
The Public ◽  
Socioeconomic Integration ◽  
Socioeconomic Diversity ◽  
Diversity Initiative ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Racial Ethnic

Polling data routinely indicate broad support for the concept of diverse schools, but integration initiatives—both racial and socioeconomic—regularly encounter significant opposition. We leverage a nationally representative survey experiment to provide novel evidence on public support for integration initiatives. Specifically, we present respondents with a hypothetical referendum where we provide information on two policy options for assigning students to schools: (1) a residence-based assignment option and (2) an option designed to achieve stated racial/ethnic or socioeconomic diversity targets, with respondents randomly assigned to the racial/ethnic or socioeconomic diversity option. After calculating public support and average willingness-to-pay, our results demonstrate a clear plurality of the public preferring residence-based assignment to the racial diversity initiative, but a near-even split in support for residence-based assignment and the socioeconomic integration initiative. Moreover, we find that the decline in support for race-based integration, relative to the socioeconomic diversity initiative, is entirely attributable to White and Republican respondents.

Pronouns Beyond the Binary: The Change of Attitudes and Use Over Time

2021 ◽  
pp. 089124322110292
Author(s):  
Marie Gustafsson Sendén ◽  
Emma Renström ◽  
Anna Lindqvist
Keyword(s):  
Gender Issues ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Percentage Point Increase ◽  
Frequent Use ◽  
Point Increase ◽  
Younger Age ◽  
Third Person ◽  
Political Left ◽  
Representative Samples

Gender-inclusive language, such as the Swedish pronoun hen, may aid in breaking a binary notion of gender and avoid sexism. The present study followed the implementation of a gender-inclusive third-person pronoun singular (hen) in Swedish in two surveys with representative samples in 2015 (at the time when hen was introduced in the official Swedish dictionary; N = 1212) and in 2018 (N = 2009). The surveys comprised measures of attitudes toward, and use of, hen as well as possible predictors such as area of residence, age, preferred pronoun, political orientation, and interest in gender issues. Results showed that attitudes toward hen became more positive and that use of hen increased between 2015 and 2018. About half of the population used hen in their communication in 2018, which is a 14-percentage-point increase from 2015. Younger age, she or hen as preferred pronoun, political left-wing orientation, and interest in gender issues predicted a more positive attitude and a more frequent use. Furthermore, the positive change between 2015 and 2018 was larger among younger people, indicating that hen will remain in the Swedish language. The present research is unique in that it follows a gender-fair language initiative during its implementation in representative samples, thereby providing insights for social movements aiming for gender-fair language. We also discuss the theoretical implications of a gender-inclusive pronoun in comparison with past studies on gender-fair language.

scholarly journals Selling Effective Violence Prevention Policies to the Public: A Nationally Representative Framing Experiment

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justin Pickett ◽  
Stefan Ivanov ◽  
Kevin Wozniak
Keyword(s):  
Violence Prevention ◽  
Message Framing ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Program Participation ◽  
The Public ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Risk Framing ◽  
Tax Savings ◽  
Tax Changes ◽  
The Impact

Objectives. After years of decreasing public punitiveness and declining crime rates, politicians are seeking evidence-based crime policies to reduce mass incarceration without increasing crime. One such policy that has been implemented in several U.S. cities is the Operation Peacemaker Fellowship (OPF), which incentivizes conformity and program participation by providing monetary stipends to individuals at risk of violent offending, thereby simultaneously reducing violence and incarceration. Yet, there is no evidence about public support for such policies. Methods. Using a nationally representative survey experiment, we examine public support for violence prevention stipends. We employ a referendum-style, contingent valuation design to measure the impact of tax increases versus tax savings on public opinion, and we randomize message framing that emphasizes the stipend program’s risky versus protective features.Results. Both tax changes and risk framing matter. The public is willing to vote for stipends when they reduce taxes and are framed as a method to save lives. Most Republicans oppose stipends under all conditions.Conclusions. Reformers can increase public support for effective, non-punitive policies that target violent offenders by emphasizing both their economic and social benefits. However, such policies are likely to face consistent opposition from certain portions of the public.

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