scholarly journals Allmänhetens syn på våldsbejakande extremism: En balans mellan sociala, ekonomiska och polisiära åtgärder

2020 ◽  
Vol 107 (3) ◽  
pp. 197-216
Author(s):  
Lars Korsell ◽  
Tomas Axelson ◽  
Jonas Stier

AbstractThe so-called Swedish model of trust is characterised by strong public support for the idea of an individual-based and extensive welfare state, well-developed state individualism, high levels of social trust, widespread appreciation of the judiciary, openness, tolerance, and a free and independent press. Today, Swedish society faces several challenges. Will the Swedish model of trust be eroded or is it relatively resilient to stress? A Novus survey from 2019 found that a total of 74 percent of the Swedish population were very or quite worried about Islamic extremism, 66 percent very or quite worried about right-wing extremism and 46 percent very or quite worried about left-wing extremism. Other surveys show that the public is also concerned about the deterioration of the welfare state, social gaps, the increased number of refugees to Sweden and xenophobia. Moreover, the Novus survey shows that 65 percent believe that violence-promoting extremism will increase in Sweden in the coming ten-year period. 22 percent indicate that they have become suspicious of people they have encountered in everyday situations and 15 percent  have avoided large crowds, e.g. shopping malls, pedestrian areas and subways. When asked which measures are good for increasing security in society, common answers were to reduce social exclusion, increase camera surveillance in public places and provide more information on democratic principles and values. These answers indicate that Swedish public opinion has a relatively balanced view of public measures against violent extremism, which is consistent withthe Swedish model of trust. In general, the public does not propose the implementation of overly excessive measures against violent extremism. However, given continued public concern over the development of violent extremism, the long term stability of the Swedish model of trust remains in question.

2012 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 768-787 ◽  
Author(s):  
Klarita Gërxhani ◽  
Ferry Koster

This article explores to what extent and how individuals’ welfare state attitudes relate to their subjective assessment of the available social support. Using various sociological and sociopsychological theories the authors first provide a theoretical analysis of the micro–macro links between perceived social support (micro), social trust in support availability (macro) and public attitudes towards welfare states (micro). An empirical test based on a large cross-country dataset of 31,122 respondents in 25 European countries shows that the more welfare is provided by the state, the less of it is desired in countries where individuals have the general belief that they can rely on each other for support. Importantly, only when considered jointly, do welfare state provision and social trust in support availability become essential in explaining welfare state attitudes.


2007 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carsten Jensen

AbstractThe study of welfare state reform has in the last decade been strongly influenced by the ‘new politics’ literature. A fundamental assumption of this literature is that the public has fixed attitudes concerning welfare benefits; however, this may be hard to sustain empirically. Instead, this article argues that public support differs depending on whether a welfare programme aims at relieving fixed or variable needs. By analysing reforms of old-age pension schemes and the introduction of workfare strategies in the United States, France and Denmark, the fruitfulness of this approach is indicated.


Author(s):  
Mårten Blix ◽  
Henrik Jordahl

The steady privatization of welfare service production has been a longstanding source of political conflict and debate. For-profit providers have met particularly harsh resistance from the left and only mild support from the right. Public opinion is largely skewed against private providers and affects the welfare sector by influencing implemented and expected regulation. In addition to the left–right divide, opinions on private production are split in several other ways. Notably, elected politicians are more supportive of privatization than the voters. The Social Democrats have been a dominant force in Sweden and have long been split on how to address privatization. The party contains a vocal left-wing with ideological objections that wants to stop and reverse course. Another wing of the party is more market-oriented and in some circumstances in favour of choice and competition. A key finding is that public opinion is fairly negative towards for-profit providers, while simultaneously very supportive of opportunities to choose between providers. To an astounding extent, people tend to overestimate the profits of private providers. As a result, the negative opinion against for-profit providers is partly based on misperceptions. Transparency and information are fundamental underpinnings for the public support of privatization.


2013 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
TAKANORI SUMINO

AbstractDespite the general consensus that individualistic utility-optimising behaviour reduces popular support for the welfare state, we still know little about how and to what extent such negative effects of self-interested calculus are mediated by other attitudinal factors, particularly solidaristic values and principles. Using individual-level data from the Japanese General Social Survey, this study seeks not only to qualify existing findings on welfare preference formation but also to explore the hypothesis that the negative impact of economic self-interest is offset or moderated by solidarity-oriented values and beliefs. The author finds that the oft-made claim that material interest and individualistic ideologies undermine welfare support can be replicated in the context of Japan. The results also provide evidence in support of the liberal nationalist contention that popular discourse on welfare is significantly directed by a sense of national unity. Data from Japan also elucidate the fact that a strong sense of social trust significantly weakens the salience of self-oriented cost–benefit calculations. These findings suggest that solidarity-related variables such as national identity and interpersonal trustworthiness should receive more attention in future research on welfare attitudes.


1997 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 463-491 ◽  
Author(s):  
RODNEY LOWE

The Plowden committee on the control of public expenditure has been described as a milestone in the modernization of postwar British government. Certainly it effected major changes in both the Treasury's structure and personnel and, by securing the establishment of the public expenditure survey committee, gave subsequent governments the opportunity to plan public expenditure rationally in relation to prospective resources. Ultimately, however, the committee was a failure. The civil service was re-examined by the Fulton committee within five years and public expenditure soon escalated out of control. The Plowden committee thus represented a major lost opportunity. The time had been ripe for a fundamental political and administrative adjustment to the needs of the extended postwar state; but the committee failed to build the necessary political, parliamentary or public support for its recommendations. The reason for failure was its restricted nature as an internal enquiry with largely ineffectual ‘outside’ members, which enabled vested Treasury interests increasingly to dictate its deliberations. A more open enquiry would have stimulated and brought the best out of the ‘modernizers’ within the Treasury. The committee, therefore, proved to be not an administrative milestone but a prime example of how British institutions, under the guise of reform, have traditionally deflected criticism, truncated discussion and thereby stifled the fundamental reforms required to halt Britain's decline. In relation to welfare policy, the committee failed to examine the relative efficiency of collective provision in given policy areas, opposed contracyclical demand management and covertly sought to cap welfare expenditure. In short, it accepted the electoral necessity but not the legitimacy of the welfare state.


Envigogika ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Krajhanzl ◽  
Tomáš Chabada

In this study we provide a detailed analysis and comparison of the public support for climate protection and wildlife protection using nationally representative data from the Czech Republic. The results of regression analyses have shown that support for both protections is significantly increasing with growing pro-environmental beliefs of people, leisure time they spent in nature and their altruism. Support for climate protection also rises with higher election participation, left-wing political orientation and younger age. Support for wildlife protection increases with growing trust in non-profit organizations while decreases with growing trust in science & research institutions. The comparison of groups defined according to their consent with climate protection and wildlife protection showed that support for wildlife protection can be characterized as a more inclusive environmental attitude than support for climate protection. The paper discusses the implications of these findings for protagonists of environmental politics and ways how they approach the public.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-54
Author(s):  
Zakka Pranggapati Janges ◽  
ILHAM AJI PANGESTU

Abstract Taxes are mandatory contributions imposed on the public coercively by state without direct reciprocal obtained from the tax payment. The main purpose of such is as state revenue for national development which aims to improve the welfare of its people and is collected based on the principle of justice. This can be observed from 3 perspectives, which is philosophical, juridical, and sociological perspectives. Philosophically, tax collection is fair because it is desired and approved by the public through DPR as the people’s representative who creates law on tax collection. Moreover, the collected taxes are also for national development in order to achieve welfare state. Juridically, the government has made efforys to improve tax regulations to keep up with the times and society since the early days of independence, such as UU KUP that has beed revised several times from 1983 to 2009. In addition, the issued tax regulations also prioritize elements of justice such as PPh which in calculation uses progressive rates and PTKP. Sociologically, public awareness is still lacking. This can be solved by government efforts to create good image of tax by implementing the principles of good governance in order to create social trust and the people themselves want to pay taxes (voluntary tax compliance). Keywords: Tax, National Development, Principle of Justice, Welfare State. Abstrak Pajak merupakan iuran wajib yang dikenakan kepada masyarakat oleh negara yang bersifat memaksa dan tidak ada timbal balik kepada masyarakat secara langsung yang didapatkan dari pembayaran pajak tersebut. Tujuan utama pemungutan pajak yaitu sebagai pendapatan negara guna pembangunan negara yang bertujuan untuk menyejahterakan rakyatnya dan dipungut berdasarkan asas keadilan. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari 3 perspektif yaitu perspektif filosofis, yuridis, dan sosiologis.Secara filosofis pemungutan pajakadil karena dikehendaki dan disetujui oleh masyarakat melalui DPR sebagai perwakilan rakyat yang menciptakan undang-undang mengenai pemungutan pajak sehingga kedaulatan rakyat tetap diagungkan.Selain itu pajak yang dipungut juga untuk pembangunan nasional agar terciptanya welfare state. Secara yuridis, pemerintah telah berupaya memperbarui peraturan perpajakan untuk mengikuti perkembangan zaman dan masyarakat sejak awal masa kemerdekaan, seperti UU KUP yang telah berubah beberapa kali sejak tahun 1983 sampai terakhir 2009. Selain itu peraturan perpajakan yang dikeluarkan pemerintah juga mengutamakan unsur keadilan seperti PPh yang dalam perhitungannya menggunakan tarif progresif dan mengenal adanya PTKP.Secara sosiologis, kesadaran membayar pajak di dalam masyarakat masih kurang.Hal ini dapat diatasi dengan upaya pemerintah mewujudkan good image of tax dengan menjalankan prinsip good governance agar terciptanya social trust dan masyarakat dengan sendirinya ingin membayar pajak (voluntary tax compliance). Kata Kunci: Pajak; Pembangunan Negara; Asas Keadilan; Welfare State.


2019 ◽  
pp. 91-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rostislav I. Kapeliushnikov

Using published estimates of inequality for two countries (Russia and USA) the paper demonstrates that inequality measuring still remains in the state of “statistical cacophony”. Under this condition, it seems at least untimely to pass categorical normative judgments and offer radical political advice for governments. Moreover, the mere practice to draw normative conclusions from quantitative data is ethically invalid since ordinary people (non-intellectuals) tend to evaluate wealth and incomes as admissible or inadmissible not on the basis of their size but basing on whether they were obtained under observance or violations of the rules of “fair play”. The paper concludes that a current large-scale ideological campaign of “struggle against inequality” has been unleashed by left-wing intellectuals in order to strengthen even more their discursive power over the public.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
C Rinaldi ◽  
M P M Bekker

Abstract Background The political system is an important influencing factor for population health but is often neglected in the public health literature. This scoping review uses insights from political science to explore the possible public health consequences of the rise of populist radical right (PRR) parties in Europe, with welfare state policy as a proxy. The aim is to generate hypotheses about the relationship between the PRR, political systems and public health. Methods A literature search on PubMed, ScienceDirect and Google Scholar resulted in 110 original research articles addressing 1) the relationship between the political system and welfare state policy/population health outcomes or 2) the relationship between PRR parties and welfare state policy/population health outcomes in Europe. Results The influence of political parties on population health seems to be mediated by welfare state policies. Early symptoms point towards possible negative effects of the PRR on public health, by taking a welfare chauvinist position. Despite limited literature, there are preliminary indications that the effect of PRR parties on health and welfare policy depends on vote-seeking or office-seeking strategies and may be mediated by the political system in which they act. Compromises with coalition partners, electoral institutions and the type of healthcare system can either restrain or exacerbate the effects of the PRR policy agenda. EU laws and regulations can to some extent restrict the nativist policy agenda of PRR parties. Conclusions The relationship between the PRR and welfare state policy seems to be mediated by the political system, meaning that the public health consequences will differ by country. Considering the increased popularity of populist parties in Europe and the possibly harmful consequences for public health, there is a need for further research on the link between the PRR and public health.


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