scholarly journals Ethnic Politics and the Agitation for Restructuring Nigeria: Implication for National Development and Dialogue Initiative

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (10) ◽  
pp. 51-60
Author(s):  
Amiara, Solomon Amiara ◽  
Dr Paul Uroku Omeje ◽  
Dr Kennth Igbomaka Nwoikie

The evolution of NIgerian State is shrouded in cultural complexities that are built on linquistc  variations and ethno-religious discontents. Asa a product of the British imperialism, the 1914 amaglmation of the northern and southern protectorates saw the emergence of what became an independent NigerianState on October 1, 1960. Thus, the activities of these imperialists led to the birth of Nigeria's naionalism which was couched in ethnic nationalism rather than true pan Nigerianism. This ethnocentrism has advertently deepened Nigeria's problems and led to the evolution of several regime system that manifested into resource control, independent movement and ethnic militants. Scholars and policy-makers alike, have over the last two decades tried several workable political system without actually arriving at any possible solution thereby stoking the flame of ethnic based crises that fraught Nigerian sovereignty. Against this background, the proclamation of the Sovereign State of Biafra was celebrated with attended war that followed therein. Therefore, it is understood that the aftermath of the war still linger and gave birth to Indigenous People of Biafra. While it could be said that the bulk of Nigerian resources are committed to finding solution to the existing political structures, it is obvious that the weighter problems arising from corruption, prebendalism and lack of true federalism that resulted to the evolution of ethnic millitias are still neglected. Therefore, the study identifies corruption, favouritism and nepotism as the majorproblems of ethnic politics in Nigeria while applying thematic, and historical analytical method as a method of analysis

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ibrahim Kawuley Mikail

The book analyses the background of corrupt practices in the annals of Nigerian political history from pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial era down to the fourth democratic dispensation. The book also establishes a nexus between corruption and political economy in the Nigerian political theatre. Indeed, corruption undermines the rules of law, equity, transparency democratization and national development which breed poverty, insecurity and general underdevelopment among the populace.Meanwhile, the political economy approach and the theories of corruption and their application on Nigerian political economy is highlighted.The role of policy-makers and stakeholders with their policies and programmes on combating corruption is also analysed. Furthermore, the giant efforts of international organizations, civil society organizations (CSOs) and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) on combating the menace of corruption are also pointed out. The book serves as a guide to researchers on the subject matter and the freedom fighters with their anti-corruption crusade or mandates so as to proffer solutions to corrupt practices and scandals in Nigeria and beyond.


Author(s):  
Sam Klug

Abstract This article charts how African American appeals to international law shifted away from a politics of petition to a politics of sovereignty with the growing influence of postcolonial states in international society and the UN’s recognition of a right to self-determination. Whereas earlier efforts by African-descended peoples in the Americas to gain a hearing before international bodies often required pushing the boundaries of international legal personality to include entities other than states, in the late 1960s and early 1970s a black nationalist group called the Republic of New Afrika (RNA) pursued international subjectivity in its traditional and fullest form: as a sovereign state. Examining the writings of RNA leaders, especially Imari Obadele, this article explores how the group’s claims for territory, reparations, and international subjectivity relied on international legal discourse about plebiscites, self-determination, and national development.


Author(s):  
Zamira Dzhusupova

This chapter presents a case study on rural e-municipalities in Kyrgyzstan as an enabling tool for facilitating and supporting democratic local governance. The authors examine the case based on their action research and discuss key findings in terms of challenges of implementing and sustaining ICT-enabled local governance observed throughout the life cycle of the real life project. The case presentation is guided by the conceptual framework built on an extensive literature review. Key findings and lessons drawn from this case study can guide policy makers and practitioners in other developing countries in designing and implementing similar initiatives with careful consideration of national development context, enabling political, administrative, and legal environment, governance structure and decentralization policies, institutional framework, and strength of rural municipalities and local communities. This chapter’s possible contribution to research includes improving understanding of the implementation and sustainability issues of rural e-municipality as one of the critical e-governance initiatives at the grassroots level.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-269
Author(s):  
Rollin F Tusalem

Critics of Philippine democracy have pointed out that the unitary system employed since the country became a sovereign state in 1946 led to the prolonged underdevelopment of sub-national regions (provinces). Hence, policy makers have put forward the argument that a shift to a Federal system is necessary because of the imperial Manila syndrome. This is the notion that political, economic, and social underdevelopment is more prevalent the farther away a province is from the capital, Metro-Manila, which has been a longstanding theory of ‘core-periphery’ dynamics in political geography. Using sub-national data derived from Philippine provinces, the study finds that provinces farther away from Manila in terms of geodesic distance are indeed disadvantaged not only in terms of economic, poverty, and human development indicators, but also in terms of dependence on internal revenue allotments which inhibits local growth. Physical distance from the capital also decreases rural funds for provincial development. The implications suggest that a Federal arrangement can promote peripheral growth and development, but it certainly is not a panacea.


Asian Cinema ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kuan Chee Wah

This article focuses on the analysis of two Sinophone films made by Chinese Malaysian filmmakers, which are Flower in the Pocket (Liew Seng Tat 2007) and Nasi Lemak 2.0 (Namewee/Wee 2011), and discusses how these films engage Malaysian ethnocracy by interrogating the ever-problematic Malay–Chinese relationship. Both filmmakers belong to the new generation of Chinese Malaysians who feel the need to question the political system and long for a more inclusive national identity. Flower in the Pocket depicts the uncomfortable relationship between Malays and Chinese by examining the stories of two families from both ethnic backgrounds while questioning how Malays have taken their privilege position and economic protection for granted. Nasi Lemak 2.0 instead parodies the mainstream Malay-centric ideology by deconstructing the image Malay heroism while satirizing UMNO’s manipulation of ethnic politics.


2014 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 220-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marat Grebennikov

The emergence of an autocratic regime in Chechnya, traditionally structured on polycentric elites from clans and regions, has been just one outcome of President Putin’s ethnic policies based on personal loyalty. The paper addresses this puzzle: why, against rigorous rhetoric and demonstration of tight control over Chechnya, this region is already de facto separated from Russia? Concentrating on the question of ethnicity and its relation to democracy in contemporary Chechnya, the main argument of the article is while ethnic politics has been partly the outcome of the authoritarian rule of President Putin, the way ethnicity has been instrumentalized by the Chechen elites and the federal authorities, have created serious obstacles for the rise and the consolidation of democracy in Russia. The paper concludes that under the circumstances of ideological vacuum, pervasive corruption, and further crack-down on civil liberties that became defining characteristic features for the present political regime under President Putin, Chechen ethnic nationalism is gradually transforming the republic from a de facto independent territory associated with Russia into a de jure independent state that could request recognition of its independence from other countries.


Author(s):  
Rosemary O. Obasi

This paper presents a number of research opportunities in corporate governance in Nigeria. Corporate governance has come along with changes in Nigeria regulatory framework for financial reporting and corporate governance code during the recent years. The researcher identified some important areas where research can help advance our knowledge and provide relevant information for policy makers. These research areas include audit firm governance, corporate level of compliance on corporate governance; Public sector code of governance; adoption of Not-for-profit governance code by such organisations in Nigeria. The research questions that were raised are of global interest, but the Nigeria environment provides some distinctive natural experimental settings to address these questions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 200
Author(s):  
Etebom John Monday ◽  
Odekunle Jamiu Abiola ◽  
Aminu Ridwan Adewale ◽  
Olatunji Moshood Abiodun

The roles of leaders in any given organized society are vital for the development and sustenance of such society. Leaders are expected to have a clear vision and well articulated agenda on how to ensure that followers key into this agenda using the instrument of mass mobilization and effective communication. For Nigeria getting leadership right has been a recurring debate since its independence in 1960. The country has had more of sectional leaders, self seeking and dictatorship than nationalists as leaders. Nigeria political landscape is dominated by the governing elite who share similar orientation on the need to preserve the political system for continuous perpetuation of control over the polity. This study examines the Nigerian leadership question within the framework of the elite theory. The paper analyzed the applicability of the elite theory in the face of Nigeria leadership question and its quest for development. It further examined whether the elite theory has been misapplied in solving the Nigerian challenges and made recommendations. The study found out that the elite theory is applicable in explaining the Nigerian leadership question. The study adopted both primary and secondary sources of data. The data collected were analyzed using content analysis and descriptive methods. The study revealed that corruptions, self serving policies, nepotism, weak institutions, constitutional abuse among others are the major problems affecting leadership in Nigeria.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (4(J)) ◽  
pp. 185-196
Author(s):  
Syahrir Ika ◽  
Sigit Setiawan

To date, Indonesia has been facing the seventh ISDS (Investor-State Dispute Settlement) lawsuit case in ICSID, the most number of ICSID cases a particular country has in ASEAN. In the meantime, Indonesia had to initiate reform in its minerals mining sector policy since the sector had provided little benefit in Indonesian sustainable economic development thus far–a policy reform which is potentially highly exposed to ISDS lawsuit case. Yet, the reform once issued has no turning back and thus it should move forward. Indonesian reform policy to support more its mining downstream by Minerba Act issuance is intended to benefit from its scarce, limited non-renewable minerals so as to support national development and maintain its long-term interest and economic sustainability. Undoubtfully, the policy reform will be beneficial for Indonesian economy sustainability and thus it should be protected from any potential ISDS claims in the future. This study seeks to address such real, critical current challenges arising from contingent ISDS claims towards Indonesia. This study adopts a descriptive analytical method, which combines literature review, authors’ shared expertise in this field, and results of interviews and discussions with several other experts in relevant fields. This study concludes that in addressing ISDS contingent problems threatening Indonesian current reform policy in mining downstream sector, Indonesia should focus the emphasis on the prevention endeavor, those are a review of BITs and IIAs containing ISDS provisions; improvement in investment dispute management; which are mainly supported by continuous bureaucracy reform, capacity building, and better coordination. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-184
Author(s):  
Caleb Danjuma Dami ◽  
◽  

The mass protest to end the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (known as the #EndSARS protest) was a decentralized social movement and series of mass protests against police brutality in Nigeria. The protest started in 2017 as a Twitter campaign using the hash tag #ENDSARS to demand the disbanding of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad. This paper argues that the #EndSARS protest in Nigeria was a microcosmic manifestation of the deeply rooted dissatisfaction of Nigerians with the social, economic and political situation of the country. Data was collected using secondary sources such as internet material, journal, research reports and textbooks, and were analyzed using the expository and analytical method of inquiry, the paper demonstrates that the protest was just the avenue the Nigerian youths got to ventilate their frustration, disappointment and anger with the government. The paper asserts that nepotism, tribalism, insecurity and corruption are the underlying issues that fuelled the protest. Restructuring and resource control, which underline the gross inequality in Nigeria, are other current debates that gave rise to the protest. Following the analysis, the paper concludes that nepotism, tribalism, insecurity and corruption are the bane of Nigeria’s economic, political and social ill.


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