POLITICAL DOWNLINE AND NCHINDAISM IN THE GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 296-321
Author(s):  
David Nchinda Keming

The study focuses on the gambit of capitalism (political downline) and its relationship with the theory of Nchindaism. It provides an understanding to the exploitative mechanics of capitalists on the less developed and predicts the pendulum from Western controlled capitalism to military alliances where Western countries are elbowed from masters to actors and the possible collapse of the United Nations (UN). It targets: derivation, connotation, motives, manoeuvre/repercussions of capitalism, its drift, insight of Nchindaism & International Relations theories. The study is realised with primary, secondary and tertiary data under the ambit of qualitative methodology. Our findings reveal that the myth of None-Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction and the abusive application of Veto Rights by the Big Five within the UN Security Council (UNSC) catalysed nuclear polarisation leading to the regress of Western capitalism and the emergence of ideological military alliances. It argues that as long as the notion of state sovereignty is built on mutual respect, equality and none-interference in internal affairs, state’s capabilities and defence mechanics shouldn’t face restrictions from others or organisations if it doesn’t deter human rights and welfare. It concludes that since the evolution of science is a free gift from nature and growth of the human mind, education on nuclear responsibility should take preference rather than the myth of limitation to its development or acquisition.

2016 ◽  
Vol 85 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-161
Author(s):  
Hans Blix

International institutions given the task to maintain collective security and to seek disarmament need to build on cooperation between major powers. The authors of the un Charter vested great powers in the Security Council but a consensus between the five permanent great powers was required for use of the powers. This inevitably paralyzed the Council during the Cold War. After the end of the Cold War, the permanent members have remained unable jointly to pursue disarmament, but they have succeeded in several remarkable cases to reach consensus, notably on measures to prevent the further spread of weapons of mass destruction. The quick action to eliminate chemical weapons in Syria was a win-win case led by us-Russian diplomacy, while the comprehensive deal settling the controversy over Iran’s nuclear program was a victory for patient diplomacy involving all permanent members and the eu. These actions show the potentials of the Council.


Recent Literature on Sanctions - Iraq Under Siege: The Deadly Impact of Sanctions and War, Anthony Arnove, ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: South End Press, 2000), 216 pp., $40 cloth, $16 paper. - “The Effect of Iraqi Sanctions: Statistical Pitfalls and Responsibility,” Amatzia Baram, Middle East Journal 54 (Spring2000), pp. 194–223. - United Nations Sanctions Management: A Case Study of the Iraq Sanctions Committee, 1990–1994, Paul Conlon (Ardsley, N.Y.: Transnational Publishers, 2000), 350 pp., $115 cloth. - Iraq and the War of Sanctions: Conventional Threats and Weapons of Mass Destruction, Anthony H. Cordesman (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1999), 712 pp., $75 cloth. - The Sanctions Decade: Assessing UN Strategies in the 1990s, David Cortright and George A. Lopez, eds. (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000), 274 pp., $17.95 paper. - The Sanctions Paradox: Economic Statecraft and International Relations, Daniel W. Drezner (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 362 pp., $59.95 cloth, $24.95 paper. - Sanctioning Saddam: The Politics of Intervention in Iraq, Sarah Graham-Brown (London: I. B. Tauris, 1999), 400 pp., $35 cloth. - Economic Sanctions and American Diplomacy, Richard N. Haass, ed. (New York: Council on Foreign Relations Books, 1998), 220 pp., $17.95 paper. - Honey and Vinegar: Incentives, Sanctions, and Foreign Policy, Richard N. Haass and Meghan L. O'Sullivan, eds. (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2000), 168 pp., $39.95 cloth, $16.95 paper.

2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 187-192

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 109-141
Author(s):  
Włodzimierz Wątor

The article outlines reasons for the significant increase of the hazard posed by weapons of mass destruction in the current decade. Despite the international community’s efforts made throughout the years, it has not been possible to eliminate them, significantly lower their arsenal or prevent their building or transfer. What has increased is the importance of weapons of mass destruction, especially nuclear ones, as a force factor in international relations. This tendency will probably continue in the foreseeable future. Therefore, the article focuses on explaining the mechanisms of this process and its connections with numerous events and facts influencing international security. Special significance is ascribed to a precise estimation of the risk posed by weapons of mass destruction and determination of its hierarchy. Moreover, the article presents the forms and methods of the activities undertaken by countries and international organisations regarding the prevention of proliferation (via disarmament treaties and informal forums) and assesses their effectiveness.


The United Nations is a vital part of the international order. Yet this book argues that the greatest contribution of the UN is not what it has achieved (improvements in health and economic development) or avoided (global war or the use of weapons of mass destruction). It is, instead, the process through which the UN has transformed the structure of international law to expand the range and depth of subjects covered by treaties. The book offers the first sustained analysis of the UN as a forum in which and an institution through which treaties are negotiated and implemented. Chapters are written by authors from different fields, including academics and practitioners, lawyers and specialists from other social sciences (international relations, history, science), professionals with an established reputation in the field, and younger researchers and diplomats involved in the negotiation of multilateral treaties and scholars with a broader view on the issues involved. The volume provides unique insights into UN treaty-making. Through the thematic and technical parts, it also offers a lens through which to view challenges lying ahead and the possibilities and limitations confronting this understudied aspect of international law and relations.


2003 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Brown

In his address at West Point on June 1, 2002, President George W. Bush appeared to be signaling America's willingness to regard the mere possession of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) by potential enemies as grounds for an anticipatory war. Historically, however, a clear distinction has been drawn between preemptive and preventive, or anticipatory, war, with the latter regarded as illegitimate. The National Security Strategy announced by the president on September 20, 2002, was more conventional in its approach to preemption, but doubts remain as to whether the old distinction can be preserved. And this discussion is taking place in the context of a specific problem, namely the apparent desire of Iraq to obtain WMD and the determination of the United States, and, less clearly expressed, the UN Security Council, to prevent this from happening.


2008 ◽  
Vol 102 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-308 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Johnstone

Critiques of decision making in international organizations are often framed in terms of the democratic deficit. Leveled against the United Nations Security Council, the charge has become more pointed in light of recent quasi-legislative and quasi-judicial acts—most notably the adoption of Resolutions 1373 and 1540 on the financing of terrorism and the spread of weapons of mass destruction, respectively, and the Resolution 1267 sanctions regime, which targets individuals suspected of involvement in terrorism. With the first two resolutions, the Security Council imposed general obligations on all states for an indefinite period; with the third, it set up a sanctions committee that has courtlike powers to identify and freeze the assets of individuals, groups, and corporations. Despite broad sympathy among the UN membership for collective counterterrorist action in the aftermath of the attacks of September 11, 2001, a degree of skepticism accompanied these initiatives from the start and grew with the diplomatic debacle surrounding the war in Iraq. Some critics asked whether an “imperial” Security Council had become an instrument for the imposition of “hegemonic international law.” The Council has moved to address these concerns, but they remain serious enough that the regimes established under Resolutions 1267, 1373, and 1540 are at risk of collapsing.


2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (5) ◽  
pp. 787-816 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian C. Rathbun ◽  
Rachel Stein

Recent research into the public’s attitude toward the use of nuclear weapons repeats long-standing mistakes in how international relations theorists think about morality. Falsely equating consequentialism with state egoism and normative obligations with restrictions on the use of weapons of mass destruction implies that ethically motivated beliefs about foreign affairs must be other-regarding and that other-regarding behavior is not utilitarian in character. Drawing on empirical research into moral psychology, we argue that liberal, other-regarding morality is only one kind of ethical foundation. Alternative moral concerns such as retribution, deference to authority, and in-group loyalty also help to determine foreign policy beliefs. We find that all three are associated with support for the use of nuclear weapons in the American public. Our survey respondents act as moral utilitarians who weigh different ethical considerations in forming their judgments.


Author(s):  
Iryna Alekseenko

One of the main features of international political and legal development is the unresolved problem of national security of the state and international security. This is particularly relevant in the current globalized environment, when the economy, informatization and democratization of international relations create unprecedented opportunities for development, but at the same time increase the vulnerability of the system to terrorism, the use of weapons of mass destruction, etc. Scientists of our time are faced with urgent tasks, the solution of which allows the study of the problems of state creation, especially such important determinants of this process as legal regulation in the field of national and international security of the state in the context of globalization. Proceeding from this,scientific researches in this context, in which the basic principles of organization of national and international security are systematically revealed, are expedient and timely


Author(s):  
Simon Chesterman ◽  
David M. Malone ◽  
Santiago Villalpando

The United Nations is a vital part of the international order. Yet this book argues that the greatest contribution of the UN is not what it has achieved (improvements in health and economic development) or avoided (global war or the use of weapons of mass destruction). It is, instead, the process through which the UN has transformed the structure of international law to expand the range and depth of subjects covered by treaties. The book offers the first sustained analysis of the UN as a forum in which and an institution through which treaties are negotiated and implemented. Chapters are written by authors from different fields, including academics and practitioners, lawyers and specialists from other social sciences (international relations, history, science), professionals with an established reputation in the field and younger researchers and diplomats involved in the negotiation of multilateral treaties, as well as scholars with a broader view on the issues involved. The volume provides unique insights into UN treaty-making. Through the thematic and technical parts, it also offers a lens through which to view challenges lying ahead and the possibilities and limitations confronting this understudied aspect of international law and relations. This Introduction elaborates on some of these themes and provides a roadmap for the rest of the volume.


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