Mediated and moderated effects of personalized political communication on political trust

2016 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lukas Otto ◽  
Michaela Maier

AbstractAlthough most scholars agree that media exposure affects political trust, it is unclear which kind of media contents do so and how these effects come about. Personalized media coverage is especially suspected of having negative effects on political trust. In our study, we empirically analyze the relationship between exposure to personalized media contents, general trust, trust in journalistic assessment and trust in politicians using a model of moderated mediation. This model is tested in an online experiment exposing subjects to media stimuli which portray political actors in an unpersonalized, an individualized or a privatized way. Results indicate that only privatized media coverage causes negative effects on trust in politicians. However, recipients with low levels of general trust are not affected by either treatment, while subjects with high general trust levels lose trust in politicians when being exposed to privatized contents. Moreover, effects of privatized stimuli are mediated by trust in journalistic assessment, indicating a spiral of mistrust towards public institutions.

2014 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marko Klašnja ◽  
Joshua A. Tucker ◽  
Kevin Deegan-Krause

The article examines the relationship between corruption and voting behavior by defining two distinct channels:pocketbook corruption voting, i.e. how personal experiences with corruption affect voting behavior; andsociotropic corruption voting, i.e. how perceptions of corruption in society do so. Individual and aggregate data from Slovakia fail to support hypotheses that corruption is an undifferentiated valence issue, that it depends on the presence of a viable anti-corruption party, or that voters tolerate (or even prefer) corruption, and support the hypothesis that the importance of each channel depends on thesalienceof each source of corruption and that pocketbook corruption voting prevails unless a credible anti-corruption party shifts media coverage of corruption and activates sociotropic corruption voting. Previous studies may have underestimated the prevalence of corruption voting by not accounting for both channels.


2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Hooghe ◽  
Ruth Dassonneville

Low levels of political trust are associated with a preference for protest parties. Some authors have argued that in this manner protest parties indirectly contribute to the stability of electoral democracy, functioning as a ‘safety valve’ for political discontent. In this article, we investigate the relationship between protest voting and political trust in a dynamic perspective, relying on a five-year Belgian panel study. We confirm that citizens with low levels of political trust are more likely to vote for protest parties. Additionally, we point out that decreasing levels of trust significantly increase the probability of voting for a protest party, even controlling for absolute levels of trust. Most importantly, having voted for a protest party in 2009 is linked to a subsequent further drop in political trust during the 2009–14 observation period. The panel analysis suggests that distrust and protest voting reinforce one another, leading to a potential spiral of distrust.


2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Muchid Albintani

PT. Riau Andalan Pulp and Paper (RAPP) and the activities of Illegal Logging inthe period 2009-2010 the focus of mass media. The focus of the reports motivatedby contradictory realities. On the one hand for the first time since a RegionalHead of local autonomy (Regent) was convicted of corruption (graft) relatedlicense for utilization of timber forest products (IUPHHK) that led to the illegallogging activities that also involve PT. RAPP. While on the other hand, theMinistry of Forestry by SK MENHUT/327/2009, provides expansion of theSemenanjung Kampar to PT. RAPP considered problematic and potentially theactivity of Illegal Logging. This paper aims to, first analyze the media coverage ofIllegal Logging on the existence PT. RAPP in 2009-2010. Second, describe andanalyze the implications of the media coverage of Illegal Logging on the existencePT. RAPP in 2009-2010. This paper uses constructionist (media) and politicaleconomy communication as a theoretical approach. The results of the discussionshowed that, the first the relationship of Illegal Logging and PT. RAPP has beenconstructed by the media that shows if the presence of both (PT RAPP and IllegalLogging) in the year 2009-2010 run separately and not linked. The second, so thenews about the activities undertaken Illegal Logging ('alleged') in PT RAPP anissue of 'ambiguous' and different from each other. In this context, if the newsshowed Illegal Logging, rather than an integral part of the production process(activities) PT. RAPP.Keywords: PT. RAPP, Illegal Logging and Economics Political Communication


Author(s):  
Sergei A. Samoilenko ◽  
Andrey Miroshnichenko

This chapter contributes to scholarship in the fields of media ecology and political communication by investigating the effects of the Trump bump in media-driven democracy. Specifically, it explains how the media's obsession with Donald Trump allowed them to capitalize on his political brand, which in turn contributed to changing the tone of political discourse in the United States. The effects of mediatization, including click-bait framing, increased negativity, and person-centered media coverage, had a distinct impact on the behavior of political actors and the political system as a whole. The dominance of marketing logic in contemporary media democracies provides a compelling argument for critical investigation of brand appropriation in political communication and its impact on the state of democracy. This chapter advocates for the further investigation of the current media ecosystem in order to move toward a public deliberation model that would support enhanced media literacy and citizen engagement in public policy debates.


Author(s):  
Bent Boel

Bent Boel: Western Journalism and Soviet Bloc Dissidents During the Cold War: Themes, Approaches, Theses The role of journalism in international relations is a field which increasingly is attracting scholars’ attention. Cold War history is no exception in that regard. This article tries to identify themes, approaches and theses in the emerging literature dealing with Western journalists’ role in the Soviet Bloc during the Cold War. It more particularly discusses an issue which figures prominently in the new scholarship, namely the relationship between Western journalists and Soviet Bloc dissidents. Reflecting the bias of the literature, most examples draw on the Soviet case. The bulk of the literature on Cold War journalism discusses American (subsidiarily British) journalists in the Soviet Union and West German journalists in either the USSR or the GDR. As is shown in the article, a number of recent publications have contributed to our understanding of Western journalism in the Soviet Union and the GDR. They have, among other things, thrown new light on the working conditions of the journalists, their role as political actors, and in particular their relationship with Soviet Bloc dissidents. However, it also seems clear that we need substantially more research before we can draw firmer conclusions concerning these themes. An illustrative example could be the relationship between journalists and dissidents. One thesis developed in the new literature is that Western journalists developed a close relationship with Soviet dissidents in the late 1960s and early 1970s. To the extent that this is correct, it is an important finding, which to some degree relativizes the much celebrated impact of the so-called Helsinki process. However, it raises a number of questions. In particular, a number of contemporary testimonies point to a less homogeneous view of the Moscow correspondents: their reactions to the dissidents differed considerably and, presumably, so did their newspapers reports. And there are rather conflicting views on the attitudes of different groups of journalists. Such issues certainly deserve further investigation. In addition, a major problem with the existing literature is that it overwhelmingly focuses on the Soviet Union while ignoring other Soviet Bloc countries. Apart from the special case of West German journalism in the GDR, very little has been written about Western Journalism in Eastern Europe during the Cold War. Still another lacuna is the analysis of the journalistic output and its reception. While there are studies of media coverage of specific issues, more thorough and larger studies are required if we are to understand the possible impact of the media on international relations in this period, including, as some claim, on the ending of the Cold War.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-368 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthijs Rooduijn

Various scholars have argued and demonstrated that Western European populist parties have something in common. Although these parties adhere to various ideologies and employ different organizational forms and political styles, they all endorse a similar set of ideas concerning the relationship between the people and the elite. Yet despite our increasing knowledge about these parties, so far we know only very little about populist voters. Do the voter bases of populist parties also have something in common? To answer that question, I focus on the electorates of 15 prototypical populist parties from 11 Western European countries. I show that, in contrast with widely held beliefs, the electorates of populist parties do not always consist of individuals who are more likely to be ‘losers of globalization’ with Eurosceptic attitudes, low levels of political trust, and preferences for (more) direct democracy. This suggests that ‘the’ populist voter does not exist.


Author(s):  
Daniele Paolini ◽  
Fridanna Maricchiolo ◽  
Maria Giuseppina Pacilli ◽  
Stefano Pagliaro

Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic has rapidly become a global health crisis, leading people to change their interpersonal behaviours to contain the spread of the virus. Italy has rapidly become the country hit second hardest in the world by the COVID-19 pandemic and the first one in Western countries. To reduce the spread of the COVID-19, people are required to change their interpersonal behaviours, reducing their social interactions in close contacts. The lockdown impact on the economy as well as on social and psychological processes is relevant, we conducted an exploratory study to examine which social factors are associated with the psychological reactions of Italians during the COVID-19 lockdown. Participants (n = 690) self-reported their social identification on three levels (i.e., Italians, Europeans and humankind), their trust toward social and political actors, and their level of welbeing, interdependent-happiness, and distress. Results showed that the relation between trust and the level of wellbeing and distress was mediated by identification with Italians and humankind, only the identification with humankind mediated the relationship between trust and the level of interdependent-happiness. The identification with Europeans did not emerge as a mediator in such relationships. The implications for dealing with COVID-19 lockdown in Italy are discussed.


1989 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 440-462 ◽  
Author(s):  
DEBRA UMBERSON ◽  
WALTER R. GOVE

There are theoretical foundations in sociology for two seemingly incompatible positions: (1) children should have a strong negative impact on the psychological well-being of parents and (2) children should have a strong positive impact on the psychological well-being of parents. Most empirical analyses yield only a modest relationship between parenthood and psychological well-being. Usually, but not always, it is negative. In this study we consider the relationship between parental status and several dimensions of psychological well-being. Our analysis is based on data from a large national survey. It suggests that children have positive and negative effects on the psychological well-being of parents. The balance of positive and negative effects associated with parenthood depends on residential status of the child, age of youngest child, marital status of the parent, and the particular dimension of psychological well-being examined. When compared with nonparents, parents with children in the home have low levels of affective well-being and satisfaction, and high levels of life-meaning; parents with adult children living away from home have high levels of affective well-being, satisfaction, and life-meaning. The widowed appear to benefit most from parenthood and the divorced appear to experience the greatest costs.


2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 388-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Pfetsch ◽  
Katrin Voltmer

After the demise of communist rule the relationship between media and politics in Eastern European countries has to adjust to the conditions of democratic politics and a competitive communication environment. This study explores how journalists and politicians understand their relationship past and present and what orientations govern their day-to-day interactions. The political communication cultures in Bulgaria and Poland are investigated on the basis of semi-structured interviews with journalists and politicians. The findings suggest that in Bulgaria closed-knitted networks between the two sets of actors continue to shape political communication breeding ‘deals’ and even corruption that seriously undermine the independence of political journalism. In contrast, political communication roles in Poland appear more differentiated making it more difficult for political actors to exercise control over the public agenda.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus Strömgren

Hospitals in Sweden are redesigning their care processes to increase efficiency. However, related to these changes, there is a risk of increased staff intention to leave and turnover due to increased workload and work pace. The literature on work engagement and job demands and resources suggests that specific job resources can buffer negative effects; i.e., intention to leave because of job demands. Social capital is suggested to have the potential to be a resource associated with staff intention to leave. The aim of this study was to investigate the associations between social capital and intention to leave and to test if social capital moderates the relationship between job demands and intention to leave. A sample of five hospitals working under conditions of improvements of care processes were studied using a questionnaire administered to the healthcare clinicians (n = 849). High levels of social capital were associated with low levels of intention to leave. However, the moderating effect of social capital was not confirmed. Intention to leave among occupational groups was influenced differently by social capital, other job resources, and job demands.


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