scholarly journals What unites the voter bases of populist parties? Comparing the electorates of 15 populist parties

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-368 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthijs Rooduijn
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Organizational Forms ◽  
The People ◽  
Low Levels ◽  
Western European ◽  
Increasing Knowledge ◽  
The Relationship

Various scholars have argued and demonstrated that Western European populist parties have something in common. Although these parties adhere to various ideologies and employ different organizational forms and political styles, they all endorse a similar set of ideas concerning the relationship between the people and the elite. Yet despite our increasing knowledge about these parties, so far we know only very little about populist voters. Do the voter bases of populist parties also have something in common? To answer that question, I focus on the electorates of 15 prototypical populist parties from 11 Western European countries. I show that, in contrast with widely held beliefs, the electorates of populist parties do not always consist of individuals who are more likely to be ‘losers of globalization’ with Eurosceptic attitudes, low levels of political trust, and preferences for (more) direct democracy. This suggests that ‘the’ populist voter does not exist.

When Should the People Decide? Public Support for Direct Democracy in Australia

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Kildea ◽  
A J Brown ◽  
Jacob Deem
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Disaffection ◽  
Low Levels

Abstract This article examines the strength of support for direct democracy among Australian citizens, both in general and, in a world-first, across different specific topics. Analysing data from the Australian Constitutional Values Survey, we investigate whether that support is higher among people who are more educated and politically interested (in line with a ‘cognitive mobilisation’ hypothesis) or those who are dissatisfied with politics, with low levels of political trust (‘political disaffection’). The article finds that Australians widely support the use of direct democracy, but especially with respect to constitutional issues and matters of principle that they feel they can readily engage with, whereas parliaments are still seen as best placed to decide more technical matters. The article also finds that support for direct democracy is strongest among politically disaffected citizens, in ways that suggest greater use of direct democracy may have a role to play in addressing decline in political trust in Australia.

scholarly journals Gerontologia (geragogika) specjalna – obszar koniecznych badań i refleksji pedagogiki specjalnej. Wybrane zagadnienia

2018 ◽  
pp. 117-141
Author(s):  
Iwona Chrzanowska
Keyword(s):  
General Population ◽  
Special Needs ◽  
People With Disabilities ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Life Situation ◽  
Scientific Merit ◽  
The People ◽  
Special Needs Education ◽  
The World ◽  
The Relationship

In the text, an attempt was made to analyse selected issues related to gerontology in the relationship to people with disabilities. The context of analyses is the tendency of social ageing tendencies, observed in Poland and in the world, especially in European countries. Selected areas of reflection are combined with the conviction that there is a need for research which would fill in the gap in the field of research carried out so far, focused on the issue of the broadly defined life situation of the people with disabilities in the senior years, which is in the scientific merit of Polish special needs education (pedagogics). There is a justified fear that these individuals are more likely to experience marginalisation and exclusion in many areas of life than people of similar age in the general population.

scholarly journals Information asymmetries, family ownership and divestiture financial performance: Evidence from Western European countries

2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 43-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enzo Peruffo ◽  
Raffaele Oriani ◽  
Alessandra Perri
Keyword(s):  
Financial Performance ◽  
Information Asymmetry ◽  
Agency Theory ◽  
Information Economics ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Family Ownership ◽  
Information Asymmetries ◽  
Stock Market Reaction ◽  
Western European ◽  
The Relationship

Compared to other transactions, corporate divestiture is characterized by greater ambiguity and lower transparency, which can be detrimental to stock market reaction. Drawing upon agency theory and information economics literature, this paper examines the relationship between information asymmetries, family ownership and the divestiture financial performance in Western European countries. Based on a sample of 115 Western European divestiture transactions carried out between 1996 and 2010, we find support for the assertion that information asymmetry impacts divestiture financial performance. We also show that the influence of information asymmetries is moderated by family ownership, which acts as a signal of divestiture quality.

scholarly journals A Spiral of Distrust: A Panel Study on the Relation between Political Distrust and Protest Voting in Belgium

2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Hooghe ◽  
Ruth Dassonneville
Keyword(s):  
Safety Valve ◽  
Panel Study ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
Panel Analysis ◽  
Political Distrust ◽  
Dynamic Perspective ◽  
Low Levels ◽  
The Stability ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Observation Period

Low levels of political trust are associated with a preference for protest parties. Some authors have argued that in this manner protest parties indirectly contribute to the stability of electoral democracy, functioning as a ‘safety valve’ for political discontent. In this article, we investigate the relationship between protest voting and political trust in a dynamic perspective, relying on a five-year Belgian panel study. We confirm that citizens with low levels of political trust are more likely to vote for protest parties. Additionally, we point out that decreasing levels of trust significantly increase the probability of voting for a protest party, even controlling for absolute levels of trust. Most importantly, having voted for a protest party in 2009 is linked to a subsequent further drop in political trust during the 2009–14 observation period. The panel analysis suggests that distrust and protest voting reinforce one another, leading to a potential spiral of distrust.

scholarly journals The Relationship between Corruption and the Shadow Economy in Ukraine and Other Central and Eastern European Countries

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-30
Author(s):  
Valentyna Cherviakova ◽  
Tetiana Cherviakova
Keyword(s):  
Regression Analysis ◽  
Shadow Economy ◽  
Statistical Data ◽  
Statistical Significance ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Weak Correlation ◽  
Low Levels ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
The Relationship

The article investigates the causes, essence, and peculiarities of corruption and the shadow economy, as well as how they are related, in Ukraine in comparison with other Central and Eastern European countries. A correlation‑regression analysis of statistical data revealed a direct correlation connection of different strengths and statistical significance between levels of corruption and the shadow economy in all Central and Eastern European countries. However, the degree to which corruption impacts the variation in the levels of the shadow economy differs significantly in countries across the region. The key conclusion is that in countries with relatively high levels of corruption and the shadow economy, corruption causes a smaller share of the shadow economy than in countries with relatively low levels of these phenomena. Causes of the weak correlation between levels of corruption and the shadow economy in Ukraine were identified. The main corruption and non‑corruption factors of Ukraine’s economy shadowing were determined. It was concluded that policy and measures to counteract corruption and the shadow economy in Ukraine should be aimed at eliminating their root causes rather than manifestations.

scholarly journals How Effective are School Years? : Examining the Link Between Human Capital and Economic Growth in European Countries, 2014-2019

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 467-481
Author(s):  
Ilona Ida Balog
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Human Capital ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Negative Coefficient ◽  
Education Systems ◽  
Western European ◽  
The Relationship

This paper wishes to contribute to the examination of the relationship between human capital and economic growth. Human capital is measured by the average number of finished schooling years and its effect on economic growth is estimated on novel data in European countries. Data from the period between 2014 and 2019 show a negative coefficient for schooling years. In eastern countries in the analysis economic growth is generally higher than in Western-European countries. Economic growth in Hungary is higher than the estimated value explained by the analysed variables. The negative coefficient means that human capital measured by the number of schooling years does not accelerate economic growth any more, and further reforms of the education systems are needed in order to use human capital more efficiently.

Mediated and moderated effects of personalized political communication on political trust

2016 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lukas Otto ◽  
Michaela Maier
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
General Trust ◽  
Low Levels ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Do So

AbstractAlthough most scholars agree that media exposure affects political trust, it is unclear which kind of media contents do so and how these effects come about. Personalized media coverage is especially suspected of having negative effects on political trust. In our study, we empirically analyze the relationship between exposure to personalized media contents, general trust, trust in journalistic assessment and trust in politicians using a model of moderated mediation. This model is tested in an online experiment exposing subjects to media stimuli which portray political actors in an unpersonalized, an individualized or a privatized way. Results indicate that only privatized media coverage causes negative effects on trust in politicians. However, recipients with low levels of general trust are not affected by either treatment, while subjects with high general trust levels lose trust in politicians when being exposed to privatized contents. Moreover, effects of privatized stimuli are mediated by trust in journalistic assessment, indicating a spiral of mistrust towards public institutions.

What Does Human Development Index Rating Mean in Terms of Individualism/Collectivism?

2003 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria José Sotelo ◽  
Luis Gimeno
Keyword(s):  
Human Development ◽  
Human Development Index ◽  
Principal Component ◽  
General Idea ◽  
Development Index ◽  
Low Levels ◽  
The Relationship

The authors explore an alternative way of analyzing the relationship between human development and individualism. The method is based on the first principal component of Hofstede's individualism index in the Human Development Index rating domain. Results suggest that the general idea that greater wealth brings more individualism is only true for countries with high levels of development, while for middle or low levels of development the inverse is true.

Kämpfe um Bergbau und die Möglichkeiten demokratischer Transformation

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (189) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Social Power ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
Mining Project ◽  
National Governments ◽  
The Relationship

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.

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