Synagogue and State in the Israeli Military: A Story of “Inappropriate Integration”

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 223-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karin Carmit Yefet
Keyword(s):  
Multiple Identities ◽  
Religious Community ◽  
Minority Women ◽  
Religious Minority ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Majority Group ◽  
Minority Member ◽  
Group Members ◽  
The Military ◽  
Female Soldiers

Abstract The encounter between synagogue and state in Israel’s military context raises a variety of complex questions that defy conventional paradigms. While religious liberty continues to occupy a special place in most liberal democratic thought, the legal and philosophical literature pondering its various dimensions has largely lost analytic sight of the fascinating intersection of military and religion. This article embarks on analyzing the appropriate integration between loyalty to God and to country, and between religious male and secular female soldiers. Evaluating examples of synagogue-state tensions and accommodationist policies, this article explores the manner and extent to which the Israeli military (IDF) responds to the observant soldier’s multiple identities as a religious minority member and a faithful citizen of the larger secular polity. Against this backdrop, the article analyzes the vexed challenges posed to multicultural theory by the equivocal status of the Orthodox community as a numerical minority but “power majority” within the military, and by the IDF’s unique exercise of multiculturalist protection, termed herein “external restrictions,” imposed on majority group members. It concludes that the ongoing “religionization” of the IDF through the 2002 “Appropriate Integration” regulation has served as a powerful counterforce to gender equality, fostering a growing practice of female exclusion through which women are disenfranchised from core, non-negotiable protections of citizenship. The article identifies as the prime casualty of this aggressive multicultural accommodation not only secular women’s hard-won equality of opportunity, but also the very rights and status of minority women within their own religious community.

Discursive Psychological Approaches to Intergroup Communication

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martha Augoustinos ◽  
Simon Goodman
Keyword(s):  
Social Practice ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
Large Body ◽  
Coherent System ◽  
Intergroup Communication ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Majority Group ◽  
Recent Emergence ◽  
Group Members ◽  
Democratic Societies

The recent emergence of discursive psychological approaches has challenged the dominance of cognitive and structural models of language that theorize it as an abstract and coherent system of meanings. Epistemologically informed by social constructionism, discursive psychological approaches examine how language is actually used in everyday formal and informal talk or discourse. Discourse (both written text and talk) is treated as a social practice that is both central to understanding and constructing social reality and oriented to the practical concerns of everyday life. Discursive psychological approaches to intergroup communication have produced a large body of research examining everyday informal talk and institutional discourse on intergroup relations in liberal democratic societies. This work has focused primarily on the text and talk of majority group members and powerful elites about matters pertaining to race, immigration, ethnicity, and gender. How speakers attend to and account for group differences in discourse is perceived to be intimately related to the reproduction and legitimation of social inequalities in liberal democratic societies. This body of research has identified common and pervasive patterns of talk by majority group members that are seen as contributing to the continued marginalization and social exclusion of minorities. These discursive patterns include: positive self and negative other presentation, denials of prejudice, discursive deracialization, and using liberal arguments to justify and legitimate inequality.

System Justification or Social Dominance? A Multilevel Test of the Ideological Motivators of Perceived Discrimination

2021 ◽  
pp. 014616722110360
Author(s):  
Joaquín Bahamondes ◽  
Chris G. Sibley ◽  
Danny Osborne
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Social Dominance ◽  
Perceived Discrimination ◽  
Social Dominance Orientation ◽  
System Justification ◽  
Societal Implications ◽  
Reverse Discrimination ◽  
High Status ◽  
Majority Group ◽  
Group Members

Although system-justifying beliefs often mitigate perceptions of discrimination, status-based asymmetries in the ideological motivators of perceived discrimination are unknown. Because the content and societal implications of discrimination claims are status-dependant, social dominance orientation (SDO) should motivate perceptions of (reverse) discrimination among members of high-status groups, whereas system justification should motivate the minimization of perceived discrimination among the disadvantaged. We tested these hypotheses using multilevel regressions among a nationwide random sample of New Zealand Europeans ( n = 29,169) and ethnic minorities ( n = 5,118). As hypothesized, group-based dominance correlated positively with perceived (reverse) discrimination among ethnic-majority group members, whereas system justification correlated negatively with perceived discrimination among the disadvantaged. Furthermore, the proportion of minorities within the region strengthened the victimizing effects of SDO-Dominance, but not SDO-Egalitarianism, among the advantaged. Together, these results reveal status-based asymmetries in the motives underlying perceptions of discrimination and identify a key contextual moderator of this association.

Comparability of personality test scores for immigrants and majority group members: Some dutch findings

1997 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 849-859 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan te Nijenhuis ◽  
Henk van der Flier ◽  
Liesbeth van Leeuwen
Keyword(s):  
Test Scores ◽  
Personality Test ◽  
Majority Group ◽  
Group Members

Referencing Race = Racist? Examining Perceptions of References to a Target’s Race as Offensive

2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 459-481
Author(s):  
Conor J. O’Dea ◽  
Bayleigh N. Smith ◽  
Donald A. Saucier
Keyword(s):  
Social Psychology ◽  
Social Dominance ◽  
Important Implication ◽  
Negative Emotion ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Total N ◽  
Marginalized Groups ◽  
Majority Group ◽  
Group Members ◽  
Linguistic Functions

We examined majority group members’ perceptions of racial slurs, compared to what we have labeled as combination terms. These combination terms possess the same semantic and pragmatic linguistic functions as racial slurs, functioning to express negative emotion toward, and to describe, a target. Across three studies (total N = 943) racial slurs were not perceived as significantly different from combination terms. We then examined whether participants higher in social dominance beliefs reported greater perceived justification for using combination terms over racial slurs because of their lack of historical denigration of marginalized groups that racial slurs have. Participants, even those higher in socially dominant attitudes, did not perceive greater justification for the use of combination terms than racial slurs. Indeed, an important implication is that race-marking, an understudied area of social psychology, paired with general derogative terms produces terms which may function similarly to racial slurs, but, fortunately, are also similarly vilified in modern society.

scholarly journals What do we do now? Examining civilian masculinity/ies in contemporary liberal civil-military relations

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-259
Author(s):  
Katharine M. Millar
Keyword(s):  
Military Service ◽  
Complex Dynamics ◽  
Research Programme ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Contemporary Politics ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

AbstractIn contemporary Western, liberal democratic societies, the soldier is frequently regarded as ‘the best of us’, taking on the unlimited liability for the protection and betterment of the whole. In the context of volunteer militaries and distant conflicts, the construction of men (and the universalised masculine citizen) as ‘always-already’ soldiers (or potential soldiers) poses a substantial obstacle to the identification or performance of ‘good’ civilian masculinity – particularly during wartime. The theorisation and articulation of a positive, substantive civilian masculinity, or masculinities, rather than one defined simply by an absence of military service and implication in the collective use of violence, is a central challenge of contemporary politics. As a means of illuminating the complex dynamics of this challenge, this article examines charitable practices of civilian support for the military, and corresponding constructions of masculinity, in the UK during the ‘war on terror’. In doing so, the article demonstrates the ways in which gendered ‘civilian anxiety’, through its connection to citizenship, comes to condition the political possibilities and subjectivities of all those who seek belonging in the liberal political community. The article concludes by arguing for the essentiality of a research programme oriented around ‘civilianness’, and civilian masculinity/ies.

scholarly journals Media Baru dan Potensi Terorisme Virtual

2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-70
Author(s):  
Rulli Nasrullah
Keyword(s):  
Mental Representations ◽  
Multiple Identities ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Internet Users ◽  
Group Members ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Internet Medium ◽  
Police Commissioner ◽  
Different Characteristics ◽  
National Police

It is interesting to look at the Head of Criminal Investigation statement of the Indonesian National Police Commissioner General Ito Sumardi (Kompas, 22/9/2010), which warns that the crime of terrorism is closely related to ideology. Sociologist Van Dijk (1993) states that ideology is basically a mental system that is exchanged, represented both in the level of discourse and action to achieve certain goals or desires in a groups (defi ned as the system of mental representations and processes of group members). Why (technology) Internet so powerful in spreading the message of terrorism? First, the interaction happens on internet can be done anywhere and anytime. Second, Internet users in Indonesia, which is increasingly growing in number, allows access to the site or content to be easily obtained terrorism. Third, Internet medium provides access not only cheap but free. Fourth, the Internet allows anyone to construct new identity. In a fact proves that the identities of individuals in cyber world are individuals who have two possibilities, it could be the same or different identities as in the real world. Furthermore, the individual does not only have one identity per se on the internet, they could have multiple identities as well as different characteristics from each other. In according to Gilmore (1996), those on the Internet nobody knows you at all, not either knows your race or your sex. This is the opportunities that could be used by the perpetrators of terrorism to spread the ideology of terrorism and violence in the name of religion without worried their identity will be revealed. Key words: cybermedia, virtual terorism, internet, identity.

Culture, Identity, and Psycho-social Development

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Eugenio M. Rothe ◽  
Andres J. Pumariega
Keyword(s):  
Identity Formation ◽  
Object Representation ◽  
Emotional Reactivity ◽  
Religion And Spirituality ◽  
Majority Group ◽  
The Social ◽  
Group Members ◽  
National Boundaries ◽  
Neural Mapping

The chapter on culture and identity defines the current use of these terms and discusses how culture influences identity formation from a developmental perspective, starting in early childhood and throughout the life span. It also introduces new neurobiological findings related to theory of mind, neural mapping, object representation, and emotional reactivity and how these exert an influence on culture and identity formation. It covers a historical perspective that includes the contributions of pioneers such as Freud, Vigotsky, Montessori, Bandura, Mead, and Erikson. It also discusses ethnicity and race and the social and biological origins of prejudice and explains the meaning of ethnic-racial socialization messages, the dynamics of biracial identities, the importance of language in the development of the American identity and the role of culture and identity in psycho-social functioning and resiliency, including such variables as religion and spirituality. It also describes the influences of globalization and the diminishing importance of national boundaries on cultural identity for both minority and majority group members. Some of the concepts are illustrated and explained with clinical cases.

scholarly journals RESERVA DE MERCADO: UM MAL ENTENDIDO CASO POLÍTICO-TECNOLÓGICO DE “SUCESSO” DEMOCRÁTICO E “FRACASSO” AUTORITÁRIO

2000 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Da Costa Marques
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Successful Implementation ◽  
Satisfactory Explanation ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Special Character ◽  
Computer Professionals ◽  
Two Phases ◽  
The Military

A oferta ao mercado de produtos tecnicamente defasados com preços altos e a pressão norte-americana são explicações insatisfatórias para que a reserva de mercado no setor da informática praticada no Brasil, nos anos 70 e 80, seja hoje uma experiência ainda mais intensamente rejeitada do que considerada fracassada. A situação requer explicações mais complexas. Este artigo oferece uma nova explicação para o fracasso e a rejeição e também para um pouco conhecido sucesso da reserva de mercado, colocando em cena três fatores sociotécnicos específicos: o caráter especial da comunidade de profissionais brasileiros de informática, a intervenção do SNI (a polícia política da ditadura) e o advento dos microcomputadores. A imbricação desses fatores problematiza de uma nova forma os vínculos entre a reserva de mercado, o caráter autoritário do regime militar e os ideais do liberalismo democrático. A abordagem de inclinação sociotécnica aqui adotada divide o período em duas fases em que esses vínculos diferem radicalmente. Com surpresa, a primeira fase da reserva do mercado dos computadores no Brasil mostra uma afinidade não explorada entre as formas democráticas e a possibilidade de sucesso de políticas industriais para o desenvolvimento das ciências e das tecnologias nos países em desenvolvimento. Abstract Supplying the computer market with technically obsolete and high priced products plus the American pressure do not provide a satisfactory explanation for the fact that the market reserve practiced in Brazil in the 1980-90 is today even more intensely rejected than just taken as a failure. The situation requires more complex explanations. This paper offers a new explanation for the rejection and failure of the market reserve, and for its little known success as well, by means of three specific sociotechnical factors: the special character of the community of Brazilian computer professionals, the intervention of the political police of the military dictatorship (SNI), and the appearance of the microcomputer. This paper runs against the mainstream opinion that does not sufficiently problematizes the links between the market reserve, the authoritarian character of the military regime, and liberal democratic ideals. The sociotechnically inspired approach here adopted performs a division of the period into two phases where these links differ radically. Surprisingly, the first phase of the computer market reserve presents a frequently denied affinity between the democratic forms and the possibility of successful implementation of industrial and scientific policies seeking the development of sciences and technologies in developing countries.

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