Policy Initiatives towards the Nonprofit Sector: Insights from the Israeli Case

2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michal Almog-Bar

AbstractThe article aims to describe and analyze the main processes of policy initiatives towards the nonprofit sector in Israel since 2000, and their implications for the nonprofit sector and civil society. The process started with a review of policies regarding the sector, its roles and relationship with the government conducted by an ad hoc Review Committee established in February 2000. This then developed into few policy initiatives: in the Ministry of Social Welfare; by a governmental committee to review allocations to the nonprofit sector, and another project by the Prime Minister’s Office that attempted to change the relations between nonprofit organizations and the government. These initiatives are analyzed, focusing on the actors and the politics of the process, as well as subsequent changes and their impact on the government and civil society in Israel. The analysis reveals that, while the policy initiatives have created new forms and forums for dialogue and joint work between main-stream nonprofit organizations and the government, it has neither developed nor strengthened such organizations and civil society as an alternative public sphere. The insights obtained from the Israeli case of policy development towards the nonprofit sector points to a need for a more nuanced consideration of partnership policies between the government and the nonprofit sector, and their implications for nonprofit organizations and civil society.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agnes Meinhard ◽  
Mary Foster ◽  
Ida Berger

This paper brings together findings from three separate investigations to provide a deeper understanding of the changing roles of the government, for-profit and nonprofit sectors in ensuring civil society. The first study, based on a survey of 645 nonprofit organizations from across Canada, revealed a nonprofit sector changing to meet the challenges of the times, despite a general pessimism among leaders of nonprofit organizations as to their future (Meinhard & Foster, 2003a & b). The second, based on interviews with 20 Government of Ontario officials with links to the nonprofit sector, demonstrated how civil servants struggled to help nonprofit organizations adjust to the new policies and also encouraged them to form partnerships with the for-profit sector (Meinhard & Foster, 2003c). The research reported in this paper, based on interviews with 17 senior officers of Ontario-based corporations active in philanthropy, focuses on the corporations and probes more deeply in to the myriad of ways they are getting involved in their communities as socially responsible corporate citizens.The findings from the corporate interviews are compared and melded with those from previous interviews with government officials and nonprofit organizations to provide a three-dimensional perspective of the direction in which Canadian civil society may be moving. Keywords: CVSS, Centre for Voluntary Sector Studies, Working Paper Series,TRSM, Ted Rogers School of Management Citation:


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
pp. 1-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Horton Smith ◽  
Ting Zhao

Published research in English is reviewed on the Nonprofit Sector (nps) in China since Mao’s death in 1976. A large, diverse, and rapidly growingnpsexists, but openly political Nonprofit Organizations (npos) outside the Communist Party and its control are prohibited. China has civil society in thenarrowersense that a substantial civil society sector ornpsexists. However, the party-state in China continues to play a dominating role in regard to thenps, especially for registerednpos. Freedom of association is still limited in China, especially for national associations, which are nearly all Government Organized Non-Governmental Organizations (gongos), not genuinengos/npos. Genuine associational freedom at lower territorial levels, especially the neighborhood level, is widespread though incomplete, but present far more significantly than under Mao. A 1989 law madenpos legal for the first time after Mao, butonlyif they are registered with the government (Article 7 of 1989 law states that nationalnpos can only be registered with Ministry of Civil Affairs, and localnpos can only be registered with the local Bureau of Civil Affairs).Millions of small, largely unregulated, Unofficial orUnregistered Social Organizations(orusos), as grassroots organizations (grassroots associations/gas) are important evidence for some significant associational freedom at the local level. Technically, all theseusos are illegal under Chinese law, but they have substantial social legitimacy and relative freedom of action nonetheless. Mostnpos, even registerednpos, can freely structure their internal governance, although nearly all the national associations are clearly controlled by the party-state. For the vast majority ofnpos, especially small and usually localusos, membership and levels of individual participation are now essentially voluntary. There is also a surprising range of volunteering, voluntary citizen participation, andorderly activism(restrained advocacy) throughnpos, especially at the local level.All the above facts constitute substantial progress for thenpsandnpos in China since Mao. Thebroaderscope definition of civil society focuses on the general autonomy of thenpsin relation to the government, with functioning civil liberties, and on the ability ofnpos in general to influence significantly the government on various policy issues. In these terms, China has a comparatively weak but perhaps slowly emerging civil society. The party-state in China does not have either full associational freedom and civil liberties nor participatory or strong democracy as current, stated or operative goals. Indeed, the government has an ambivalent attitude and policies toward thenpsandnpos. But such ambivalence is at least a huge improvement over Mao’s totalitarian repression of thenpsandnpos.


This volume constitutes the Irish element in the ever-expanding International Library of Policy Analysis series, edited by Michael Howlett and Iris Geva-May and published by Policy Press. It provides unique insights into the state of policy analysis in Ireland. It draws together contributions from some of the leading policy analysis experts, both academics and practitioners, to provide a multidimensional set of perspectives on how policy analysis has developed to its current state, a century after the country gained independence. The chapters examine the range of institutions and actors involved in policy analysis from across the government, the private sector and broader civil society. The intention is not to critique specific policy outcomes or policy developments, rather the chapters focus on the organizational processes, institutions and locations that contribute to the construction and supply of policy ideas as well as methods of policy analysis and evaluation. The chapters examine the policy capabilities of the institutions wherein policy development and evaluation are conducted. Our aim is to ensure that this volume constitutes a window into the research frontier of Irish policy analysis.


2008 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret Arnott

AbstractThis article considers key concerns which have occupied political scientists' analyses of 'participation'. Children have seldom featured in these analyses. 'Participation' in public policy initiatives have been used as a means of (re)building 'trust' and 'renewing democracy'. In recent years we have seen some shift towards viewing children as direct participants in public policy. There are signs that the government in the UK is including children more directly in policies designed to 'renew' democracy and 'civil society' and that such policies are not confined to proposals to lower the voting age. The article draws upon examples from education and the running of schools in particular to reflect upon the relationship between public policy, governance and children's participation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (6-7) ◽  
pp. 784-789
Author(s):  
Qiang Dong ◽  
Jiahuan Lu

Nonprofit organizations often work on the front lines of disaster assistance and emergency relief. In this sweeping coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, the nonprofit sector in many countries is playing an active role in the national fight against the coronavirus. However, the Chinese nonprofit sector only plays a marginal role in the battle. This article, from a government–nonprofit relationship perspective, delves into the underlying factors shaping the Chinese nonprofit sector’s limited involvement in this pandemic crisis and the impacts of the crisis on the Chinese nonprofit sector. In particular, we argue that a strong and centralized political regime leaves little room for nonprofits’ involvement in emergency relief, resulting in a nonprofit sector that is vulnerable and marginalized. Nonprofits have to be smarter in coping with the government in the COVID-19 downturn.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bok Gyo Jeong ◽  
Sung-Ju Kim

Abstract This study examines, from a collaborative governance perspective, the public policy process of South Korea in responding to the global health pandemic. In many countries, attention has been focused primarily on governmental capacity and political leadership in containing the COVID-19 pandemic. In South Korea, however, the role of civil society as a collaborative partner to government is especially important. To analyze the comprehensive and substantive nature of government-civil society collaboration, this study assesses the response to COVID-19 along two dimensions: the level of civil society involvement in governance, and the stage in public policy development. The study reveals that the South Korean government was a coordinator of multiple actors and multiple sectors of society, including civil society, and that all three facets of civil society as described by Edwards (2004), were involved: associational life, civility, and engagement in the public sphere.


2020 ◽  
pp. 42-48
Author(s):  
Violetta Sergeevna Neznanova

The subject of this article is the process of interaction between the government and civil society. The goal is to prove that a promising legal framework for the development of dialogue between the government and civil society exists not only in Russia overall, but in separate regions as well. The author achieves the set goal by analyzing the evolution of civil society in Russia and understanding peculiarities of the process of interaction between the government and civil society in Saint Petersburg. The article leans on the data provided by the center “Strategy”, Civic Chamber of the Russian Federation, Civic Chamber of Saint Petersburg , “Center for the Development of Nonprofit Organizations”, etc. The scientific novelty consists in determination of peculiarities influencing the process of interaction between the government and civil society in Saint Petersburg. The main conclusion lies in the statement that Saint Petersburg has a decent legal and social framework for further advancement of interaction between the government and civil society: presence of normative legal base for regulating such interaction; presence of a relatively large number of registered nonprofit organizations in Saint Petersburg; active work of a number of nonprofit organizations reflected in mass media; existence of community boards on the territory of Saint Petersburg. Overall, Saint Petersburg offers all conditions for effective interaction between the government and civil society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 1007-1030 ◽  
Author(s):  
Min Young Kim ◽  
Hyun Gyu Oh ◽  
Sung Min Park

As the consequences of the raise in the roles that nonprofit organizations play in providing public services, there is a need to generate solutions for the financial scandals involving nonprofit organizations that have ensued. Nonprofit organizations receive government funding as “third-party agents” of the government to deliver the meaningful outcomes required on performance measures. Many nonprofit organizations utilize performance appraisal systems to improve their accountability and demonstrate organizational trustworthiness. This study employs confirmatory factor analysis and hierarchical multiple regression to examine data from the 2013 Korean Nonprofit Sector Survey. The results are as follows: (a) The current human resources and organizational monitoring systems in Korea play the most significant role in increasing employees’ acceptance of performance appraisal systems (APAS); (b) Korean nonprofit organizations’ new public management (NPM) culture is positively associated with APAS; and (c) the type of organizational culture (NPM or Confucian) moderates the relationship between performance monitoring systems (PMS) and APAS among nonprofit organization employees.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah L. Pettijohn ◽  
Elizabeth T. Boris

AbstractGovernment monitors, regulates, and funds nonprofit organizations, making it is a key player in the health of the nonprofit sector in the United States. However, not all states treat nonprofits similarly. Prior work identified three types of state nonprofit culture (Pettijohn, S. L., and E. T. Boris. 2017. State Nonprofit Culture: Assessing the Impact of State Regulation on the Government-Nonprofit Relationship. Grand Rapids, MI: ARNOVA Presentation.), or a unique set of attitudes and beliefs that shape the operating norms between state government and nonprofits. This article analyzes whether differences among state nonprofit culture are measureable in the government-nonprofit relationship. Using data from the Urban Institute’s 2013 Nonprofit-Government Contracting and Grants survey, we find there are significant differences in the government-nonprofit funding relationships, which means nonprofits operating in certain state nonprofit cultures face different types and degrees of risk to their organization’s overall health.


Author(s):  
Kate Pride Brown

In 2012, the Russian Federation passed the “Foreign Agent” law, requiring nonprofit organizations that receive funding from abroad and engage in political activity to register with the government as a “foreign agent.” This chapter traces the enactment of this law in the Baikal community. Only one organization fell victim to the law: Baikal Environmental Wave. The Wave was one of Siberia’s oldest environmental organizations and was the most committed to environmental advocacy. It was no stranger to state persecution, but this law rendered it incapable of operating and it finally shut down. The Foreign Agent law represents a new form of dominating the field of power. Unlike the Soviet government, which outlawed all independent activity, the Putin government practices “legal nihilism,” using the law only to target strategic opponents. Civil society may be independent and thrive, but it cannot threaten the state without grave consequences.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document