scholarly journals A Genealogy of State Sovereignty

2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorenzo Zucca

AbstractA genealogical account of state sovereignty explores the ways in which the concept has emerged, evolved, and is in decline today. Sovereignty has a theological foundation, and is deeply bound up with the idea of God, in particular a voluntarist God, presented as being capable of intervening directly in the world. Religious conflicts in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries forced the separation between religion and politics, and opened the space for the emergence of a national state endowed with sovereignty which has dominated the world until now. Today’s rise of international and transnational obligations challenges the conventional understanding of state sovereignty, which cannot account for the normative density of the global order and the corresponding decline of state-based political authority. In order to explain that, I contrast two competing understandings of state sovereignty: a static one and a dynamic one. The static understanding regards sovereignty as absolute within the state territory. The dynamic understanding regards sovereignty as evolutionary: according to this account, the state is just one possible form that sovereignty can take. I conclude by suggesting that the dynamic understanding of state sovereignty is better suited to explaining the decline of state sovereignty.

Author(s):  
Michael P. DeJonge

Chapter 3’s discussion of kingdoms and orders in the context of political life leads naturally into the topic of this chapter: the church, the state, and their relationship. The present chapter locates the state (or, better, political authority in general) in relationship to Chapter 3’s categories by presenting it as one of the orders by which God’s structures the world. It is an important actor in the temporal kingdom, where God has ordained it to preserve the world through law. The church in its essence is an agent of the spiritual kingdom, bearing God’s redemptive word to the world. The themes of preservation and redemption, the kingdoms, and the orders find many of their concrete expressions in themes of the church, the state, and their relationship.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
NAVI GITA MAULIDA

The Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) based on the historical trajectory of the struggle, has the only state construction in the world where the nation is born first, then forms the state. The first President of the Republic of Indonesia Ir. Soekarno emphasized that the Unitary State is a National State. The purpose of the Indonesian nation to be born, independent, and to form a state has one goal, the will to elevate the dignity and life of the Indonesian people (Indonesian People's Sovereignty). Through an analysis of the reality of today's life, the Indonesian nation has lived in a condition of life order as if it were the same as a democratic state, namely that the first state was formed and the nation was born later. So that the sovereignty of the Indonesian people based on the principles of deliberation and representation has not been able to be realized.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 21-23
Author(s):  
Aleksey L. Bredikhin ◽  
◽  
Evgeniy D. Protsenko ◽  

In this article, the authors analyze the amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, adopted in 2020, with a view to their influence on the state of Russian sovereignty and note that the topic of sovereignty is central to these amendments. Researchers conclude that the amendments constitute, first and foremost, the strengthening of the sovereignty of the Russian Federation, the autonomy of state jurisdiction, and the increasing status and role of Russia in the world political system.


2019 ◽  
pp. 137-204
Author(s):  
Mohammed A. Bamyeh

Does the historical experience of Islam as a global religion offer general lessons about global order today? Muslims have historically referred to a world in which they could be citizens that was much larger than their locality: Dar al-Islam. This chapter identifies three properties that have lent deep and felt meaning to this otherwise amorphous concept: partial control, free movement, and cultural heteroglossia. Partial control meant that for Muslims the state was only one among many other authorities that were equally legitimate, and where multiple loyalties were the norm. Free movement of people was a natural corollary to the centrality of commerce in Muslim economies, pilgrimage routes, and the global structure of educational networks. Cultural heteroglossia refers to the ways by which the diversity of Muslim communities around the world appeared unproblematic, so that Muslims could continue to imagine themselves as a single global community, even though they rarely needed to act that way. The chapter concludes by exploring how those properties could be integral to a global order today.


1991 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 207-219
Author(s):  
Bruce Gordon

The conjunction of humanism with reform is a familiar aspect of the Zurich Reformation. Zwingli’s own eschatological sense of impending divine judgement upon the nations of the world led him towards a more radical understanding of Erasmian humanism, a humanism in which the corporate life of the State expressed the inner relationship between God and man. For Zwingli, the Scriptures, when approached through the proper humanist exegetical methods, revealed the principles necessary to the founding of the true Corpus Christianum. The effective transformation of human communities into reflections of Christ’s universal Church through the co-operation of the evangelical faith with political authority was the urgent agenda of the Zurich reforms in the 1520s. Zwingli conceived of a confessional confederation of Swiss and German territories for which his theology and the reforming process in the Limmat city would serve as the basis and model. The appeal of his humanist conceptions of doctrine and Church was extensive, and Zwingli used his wide range of personal connections with leading theologians and humanists in his evangelism to the European courts.


2016 ◽  
pp. 877-888
Author(s):  
Miodrag Cujic

The cultural heritage and historical monuments are silent witnesses of social development and they deserve a special place in the world?s annals, both in material and in spiritual sense. In this regard, UNESCO has undertaken a number of measures which recognize such values. However, the current international events directly usurp cultural and historical features using international politics which in the process of globalization puts in an uncertain position the characteristics of certain national identities. The jurisdiction of this international organization is compromised by pressures of leading international subjects. By defining its strategic objectives, the position of the state sovereignty of its member states is determined. Consequently, it is necessary to induce the criteria and proposals to prevent such tendencies in order to preserve not only the cultural heritage of a nation, territory, religious population, but also its identity and its statehood.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peg Birmingham

The institution of Hobbes’ Leviathan is marked by the transformation of cunning, equally shared by all in the state of nature, into a rational, sovereign politics. The question I take up here by way of Machiavelli and two of his contemporary readers, Derrida and Lefort, what if cunning was politicized rather than replaced by sovereign reason? In other words, what if cunning, a complex political deception, was not abandoned or given over to the sovereign? I argue that Lefort’s reading of Machiavelli, embracing as it does the central role of a shared cunning or ruse between the people and the prince, offers valuable resources for thinking the foundation of political authority for a secular democratic politics, while in contrast, Derrida’s critique of Machiavelli’s cunning illuminates why he is not able to escape a sovereign, theological foundation for political authority and the law.


2020 ◽  
pp. 401-442
Author(s):  
Милан Гулић

Када су крајем 1915. и почетком 1916. окупиране српске краљевине Србија и Црна Гора, преостала српска војска нашла се на територији Грчке. Уз помоћ савезника је опорављена, опремљена и реорганизована, а затим пребачена на Солунски фронт у првој половини 1916. С обзиром на то да је државна територија била окупирана, једини извор њеног попуњавања постали су добровољци. Онима који су се са српском војском повукли преко Албаније придружили су се хиљаде нових, који су пристизали са Источног фронта, из Сјеверне Америке, а у мањем броју из других дијелова свијета. Кроз рад пратимо три војне формације српске војске које су у потпуности или у значајној мјери биле састављене од добровољаца, како грађана Србије, који из различитих разлога нису подлегали војној обавези, тако и од страних држављана, махом српске националности, који су се ставили на расположење Србији. Чланак је заснован на објављеним и необјављеним документима, стручној литератури и мемоарским дјелима. When in late 1915 and early 1916 the Serbian kingdoms of Serbia and Montenegro were occupied, the remaining Serbian army was in the territory of Greece. With the Allies’ help, the army recovered, was equipped and re-organised, and transferred to the Salonika Front in the first half of 1916. As the state territory was occupied, volunteers became the only source for replenishing the army. Those who withdrew through Albania together with the Serbian army were joined by thousands of new soldiers, arriving from the Eastern Front, North America and, in smaller numbers, from other parts of the world. In this paper, we follow three military formations of the Serbian army entirely or significantly consisting of volunteers, both Serbian nationals, who were not conscripts for different reasons, and foreign nationals, mainly of Serbian ethnicity, who put themselves at the service of Serbia. The paper is based on published and unpublished documents, professional literature and memoirs.


Author(s):  
Miguel Poiares Maduro ◽  
Neil Komesar

This chapter explores the role of governments, governance, and constitutions in an increasingly interdependent world. Interdependence has always led to governance. As world interdependence grows, so does the need and claims for governance beyond the state. At the same time, the forms of governance beyond the state we see developing are strongly contested and, more importantly, difficult to map and assess. Furthermore, those forms of governance beyond the state seem to increasingly depart from the paradigm of state delegation and eliminate the distinction between the state as an international and internal actor. In some cases, they also increasingly recognize individuals as actors of the global order. The chapter exposes the way through which processes of governance beyond the state change the forms and locus of power at the national as well as the international levels. They also challenge the character and conditions supporting state constitutionalism and with it they require a rethinking of constitutionalism itself. Even if the constitutional nature of the emerging forms of transnational and global governance is contested, what cannot be denied is their impact on state constitutionalism. The chapter sets out an approach to understanding how state constitutions and the governance mechanisms or, even, constitutionalism of the world interact. In considering those questions of constitutionalism, the chapter tries to avoid a common but deadly analytical trap: perfectionism or single institutionalism. Instead it adopts and articulates a comparative institutional alternative. The chapter argues that there may be many competing goals or values at play in considering constitutions and constitutionalism beyond the state, but how well any of these will be achieved will be determined by the functioning of the decision-making institutions chosen and, in turn, the functioning of these institutional alternatives will be determined by the dynamics or patterns of participation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 1097-1123
Author(s):  
GARETH CURLESS

AbstractLabour history has been revitalized by the global turn. It has encouraged historians to look beyond national frameworks to explore issues relating to mobility and inter-territorial connection. This article, while accepting the benefits of a global approach, argues that historians should not lose sight of the factors that constrain mobility or lead to the collapse of cross-border exchanges. Singapore's dockworkers were at the forefront of the island's anti-colonial campaigns of the 1940s and 1950s. Inspired by anti-colonial movements elsewhere in the world, dockworkers drew on international discourses relating to self-determination to place their local struggles in a global context. This activism, however, coincided with the emergence of countervailing forces, including the universalization of the nation-state and the rise of state-led developmentalism. In this context, dockworkers’ internationalism came to be regarded as a threat to state sovereignty and development. As a result, once Singapore achieved independence the ruling People's Action Party encouraged dockworkers to abandon their globalized outlook in the name of modernization and nation building. Global history, then, should be as much about the rise of the national as the transnational, and the loss of connection as the forging of inter-territorial networks.


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