Christianisierungen im Römischen Reich: Überlegungen zum Begriff und zur Phasenbildung

2012 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hartmut Leppin
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
The Other ◽  
Sixth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Antique ◽  
Broad Definition ◽  
Normative Order ◽  
Historical Developments ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Special Case

ABSTRACTAlthough the word Christianisation is used frequently in Late Antique studies, definitions are rare. This article proposes a very broad definition: Christianisation denotes historical developments, which lead to a hegemony of Christian discourses or practices in certain spaces, areas, or sections of society. Christian discourses and practices refer to narrations about Christ as a key figure and later on foundational texts which contain them. These developments are not necessarily contemporaneous in various sections of society and they are not linear. Based on this definition, which is not teleological and not normative, a model of stages of Christianisations is put up for discussion: In the beginning, there were particulate Christianisations, affecting only certain groups or areas. It was a special case, when emperors turned to Christianity, deeply changing the political and normative order. Yet, at first, we can observe neutralisation in various social spaces, as for example in political communication; even discourses about forbearance were articulated in imperial panegyric. This stage, however, was short and led to a totalisation of Christianity during the sixth century, when Christian discourses and practices asserted themselves nearly everywhere, preserving, on the other hand, an impressive polyphony within Christianity.

The geopolitical dimensions of the TurkStream pipeline

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 101-121
Author(s):  
Kinga Smoleń
Keyword(s):  
Natural Gas ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
The One ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
The Eu

The empirical goal of this paper is to conduct an analysis of the geopolitical dimensions of the TurkStream pipeline, with special consideration given to its determinants as well as a diagnosis of the geopolitical implicationsof its geographical extent. To explore this problem, the following hypotheses are offered. First, the inauguration of the second branch of the TurkStream pipeline in the beginning of 2020 will strengthen the monopolistic positionof Russia as a supplier of natural gas to the countries of the European Union.This will increase the dependency of the EU on Russia and severely hamper itsability to formulate a unified, cohesive energy policy. Second, two factors that underlie the geopolitical importance of the TurkStream pipeline are Turkey’s and Southern Europe’s natural gas needs on the one hand and the political and economic interests of Russia, Turkey, and Ukraine on the other. Third, theTurkStream project should be seen as an instrument that serves to build a tactical partnership between Turkey and Russia – a partnership underpinned by the strategic interests of both countries in the Middle East. Fourth and finally, Russia’s gradual withdrawal from directing its natural gas through Ukraine will generate serious economic problems and potential energy shortages in that country. In the long term, this pressure is geared toward forcing Ukraine to re-evaluate the pro-Western trajectory of its foreign policy.

scholarly journals Rozważania nad populistyczną naturą Alternatywy dla Niemiec

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 120-137
Author(s):  
Łukasz Cymbaluk ◽  
Damian Ziółek
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Charismatic Leader ◽  
Political Group ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Political Scene ◽  
Alternative For Germany

Reflections on the populist nature of the Alternative for Germany political partyAlternative for Germany has recently become a phenomenon on the German political scene, especially after the 2017 Bundestag elections. The article contains an analysis and an attempt to explain the populist nature of the party, pointing to what elements may confirm or deny its populistic character. There are some indicators that show Alternative for Germany can be described as an example of populism, especially including the use of left- and right-wing postulates, an anti-system and anti-establishment attitude, temporalization of constructing political communication and usage of social sentiments. On the other hand, there are some visible determinants that go beyond the model of the populist party, for instance the technocratic nature of the party, the lack of a significant unit of a charismatic leader. Also, many issues that raise doubts can be underlined, for example the ideological sphere of the party. Furthermore, the article also contains considerations about the possible effects of functioning of the political group in the German party system.

scholarly journals Political Communications, State, and Institutionalization of Democracy

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-142
Author(s):  
Evie Ariadne Shinta Dewi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Communications ◽  
The Government ◽  
Main Message

The main thesis of this paper is reveals how the process of political communication should take place in order to achieve the idealization of democracy in accordance with the objectives of post-collapse reform of the authoritarian new order era. After nearly 18 years of reformation, substantial issues and basic problems still seem to burden the government. On the other hand, political democratization process seems to be influenced by the old pattern. This paper elaborates how the role of political communication in the process of democratization has been going on. The data obtained through documentation studies from various sources. The results of the study indicate that a state that should be positioned as the main actor in the process of political communication is often overlooked because of the large number of noise that caused by the main message of the state which is not well conveyed. As the result, the institutionalization of democratic values is still not the main commitment of the political parties. In the future, this country needs a strategy that puts the state both as a communicator and a communicant, so that the consolidation of democracy can be realized soon.

scholarly journals “God’s Grace is a Gain”: Dipinti on a Sixth- Century Amphora from Trimammium

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 334-339
Author(s):  
Nicolay Sharankov ◽  
Varbin Varbanov
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Sixth Century ◽  
Late Antique ◽  
Military Camp ◽  
The One ◽  
God's Grace ◽  
The Military

Abstract The paper publishes an amphora with dipinti from the sixth century AD, found in the military camp of Trimammium on the Lower Danube limes (the Late Antique province of Moesia Secunda). A six-line dipinto on the one side includes invocations and information about the content of the amphora. The dipinti on the other side are abbreviations, possibly for a personal name and for the name of Trimammium, where the amphora had been exported to. The amphora originated from the Eastern provinces and contained oil, which was possibly used during church services.

Early History of Elis and Pisa: Invented or Evolving Traditions?

Klio ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 95 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mait Kõiv
Keyword(s):  
Early Period ◽  
Fourth Century ◽  
Early History ◽  
The Other ◽  
Sixth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Past ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One

SummaryThe article discusses the development of ethnic and political identities, and the related traditions concerning the past, in Archaic and Classical Elis and Pisa. It shows that the earliest signs of Pisatan identity can be traced to the sixth century BC, and that the Eleans of the valley of Peneios on the one hand, and the people dwelling in the valley of Alpheios (i.e. the Pisatans) and the so-called Triphylia farther south on the other, nourished distinct traditions about their heroic past, which reflect distinct ethnic identities. Instead of assuming that the Pisatans as a group was intentionally constructed and its ‚history‘ invented during the political disturbances of the fourth century BC, we must accept that the Eleans and the Pisatans had since an early period developed and mutually re-negotiated the traditions confirming their identities and promoting their interests in the changing historical conditions.

scholarly journals Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Lampung Selatan: Telaah Pengaruh Pendidikan Politik, Komunikasi Politik dan Sosial Ekonomi terhadap Partisipasi Politik

Wacana Publik ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (02) ◽  
pp. 113-123
Author(s):  
Guntur Ardyan Tamara ◽  
Ari Darmastuti ◽  
Arizka Warganegara
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Random Sampling ◽  
Economic Status ◽  
Statistical Test ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Education ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Economics ◽  
Good Living ◽  
Test Result

The decreasing of public’s politics participation phenomenon on Regional Head Election of Lampung Selatan District was about 72 % on 2010 and 65% on 2015. Based on average counts of Regional Head Election 2015, Kalianda Sub District was the lowest. This is a quantitative study with explanatory method. The 250 samples were determined by using  proportional area random sampling. The result shows that the public’s political education was categorized low. Meanwhile, Kalianda Sub District has a high number for public’s politics communication or the other words publics have a good political communication to the candidates. The public’s economic status in Kalianda Sub District is categorized as high enough, on the other words that people already have a good living for both in economy and social. Based on statistical test result, Political Education  has an  impact to the politics participation partially by t count  > t table as 3,630 > 1,977, with 43,3% amount of  impact. The political Communication has an impact to politics participation about 4,260 > 1,977 on t count > t table, with 62,2% impact. Social Economics status has an impact by t count > t table  about 3,315 > 1,977, with 48% amount of  impact. Whereas, political education, political communication, and Social Economics status have an impact with the review  Fcount > Ftable (68,957 > 2,710 ) and 51,2%  amount of impact.

scholarly journals Military metaphors in the Discourse of the Presidents of Russia and France in the beginning of XXI century

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 77-90
Author(s):  
V. E. Kryshtaleva
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
Text Selection ◽  
Presidential Discourse ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
The Military ◽  
Linguistic Phenomenon

The article focuses on the study of military metaphors which are relevant to the modern Russian and French political (specifically presidential) discourse. In modern linguistics there are two main approaches to studying metaphors: semantic (where metaphor is regarded as a linguistic phenomenon) and cognitive, where it is interpreted as a certain way of constructing the reality. The methodological basis of our research is the theory of metaphorical modeling, which is a synthesis of structural, semantic and cognitive approaches. This article represents a comparative analysis of military metaphors (which are archetypal for political communication) used in the speeches of four presidents of Russia and France of the early 21st century – D. A. Medvedev, N. Sarkozy, V. V. Putin and F. Hollande, and based on the corpora of texts that are examples of political discourse monologues (inaugural, congratulatory, welcoming speeches, etc.). In this study, military metaphors are nominations in which there are signs of military action in the form of opposition to an «enemy» and the use of weapons. The analysis took into account substantive and verbal structural metaphors realizing the conceptual model «Russian / French reality – the ongoing war»; the study also considered extralinguistic factors that influenced the creation of political texts. Text selection took into consideration the degree of importance and relevance of the domestic and foreign policy issues covered in them. The analysis showed that the frequency of military metaphors usage is not identical not only in the speech of different politicians, but also in the discourse of different societies, and demonstrated individual and national specificity of the military metaphors functioning in the political leaders discourse, which was directly related to the topical “agenda” for a country. Thus, it turned out that the French presidents resort to «militant» (in metaphorical terms) discourse more than the two Russian heads of state; the greatest frequency of military metaphors is demonstrated in F. Hollande’s speeches.

Crooked Hillary and Dumb Trump

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian R. Hoffmann
Keyword(s):  
Quantitative Analysis ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Discourse Analysis ◽  
Online Campaigning ◽  
The One

Abstract While there is extensive research on the language of twitter, our knowledge of the pragmatics of particular twitter genres (and sub-genres) is still piecemeal. At the same time, in the past decades, political discourse analysis has widened our understanding of how language can be used instrumentally to alter or manipulate public interaction, meanings and opinions. However, it has seldom examined the evaluative load of political communication in much detail. To this end, the paper, on the one hand, serves to illuminate the pragmatics of political tweets as a twitter genre. On the other hand, the study brings to the fore the strategic use of negative evaluations in political online campaigning and discusses its potential (and actual) socio-political ramifications. The quantitative and qualitative analysis of negative evaluations largely draws on Martin and White’s Appraisal framework (2005) and is based on a compatible study by Cabrejas-Peñuelas and Díez-Prados (2014). I track down, classify and categorize the negative evaluations of a subset of twitter posts by Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton in a self-compiled corpus of 1965 tweets, with a view to evaluation types, their relative frequencies and dispersion across the corpus, as well as objects and targets of evaluation. The quantitative analysis is then completed by a qualitative examination of the objects and targets of evaluation in both twitter profiles as well as a closer look at the recurrent language used to evaluate the political “other”. The results show that Trump makes more flexible (and strategic) use of negative evaluations (both in terms of types, frequency and distribution), while Clinton’s negative evaluations are less frequent, less diverse and, thus possibly, less convincing.

The Politics of Marriage in Medieval India

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabita Singh
Keyword(s):  
Cultural History ◽  
State Formation ◽  
Social Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Constructs ◽  
Normative Order ◽  
Medieval India ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Indigenous Society ◽  
Social Act

This book challenges monolithic cultural constructs and valorization of indigenous society. Marriage being a social act reveals a lot about society and its attitudes. A wide timeframe has been taken as social and cultural history defy a temporal straitjacket. The study of social and cultural history has been related to the political structure. Hence, the process of State formations and the emergence of Rajputs as a ruling clan have been studied. Matrimonial alliances played a crucial role in the formation of medieval polity and society. In the initial stages of State formation, there was an openness and accommodation but as state power increased, rulers tried to project themselves as protectors of normative order and inter-caste marriages disappeared whereas interreligious marriages continued to flourish. Marriage rituals, customs, and practices to a large extent reflected the clan nature of Rajput polity as well as their attempt to legitimize their authority by following Dharmshastric rituals. There were innovations in marriage rituals in order to deal with the exigencies of time. Sati and widowhood—two very visible forms of women oppression have been examined. Frequent deaths on the battlefield led to increasing numbers of widows. Though the ruling aristocracy encouraged the practice of Sati, the woman cannot be seen as passive victims of oppressive ideology. Women who committed Sati do not approximate to Pativratta nor were they marginalized entities. A great degree of pluralism is seen in marital morality and it is obvious that this wasn’t influenced by Dharamshastric injunctions. In the early stages of state formation one can observe moral elasticity. Although the caste and village panchayats played a role in regulating marital mores in the beginning, the State gradually emerged as the ultimate authority in regulating social life.

scholarly journals As Relações Políticas entre o Império Bizantino e o Reino Visigodo de Toledo durante o Século VI

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Cynthia Maria Valente
Keyword(s):  
Political Instability ◽  
The Other ◽  
Sixth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Byzantine Empire ◽  
Political Relations

O objetivo desse artigo consiste em compreender as práticas políticas entre o Império Bizantino e o Reino Visigodo de Toledo durante o século VI. A fonte principal de análise utilizada foi a Historiae Gothorum, de Isidoro de Sevilha, que juntamente com mais duas fontes do período contribuíram para esse artigo. Tanto no documento principal, como nos outros, notamos a instabilidade política entre o Império e o Reino Visigodo, concluindo que as relações entre ambos nunca foram harmoniosas, devido a sempre presente ameaça de Constantinopla ao território visigodo; seja por conflitos bélicos em suas fronteiras mediterrâneas, ou devido às ainda existentes possessões territoriais bizantinas em solo peninsular. The Political Relations Between the Byzantine Empire and the Visigoth Kingdom of Toledo During the Sixth Century The purpose of this article is to understand the political practices between the Byzantine Empire and the Visigothic Kingdom of Toledo during the sixth century. The main source of analysis used was the Historiae Gothorum, by Isidoro de Sevilha, which along with two other sources of the same period, contributed to this article. In both the main document and the other ones, we note the political instability between the Empire and the Visigothic Kingdom, concluding that the relations between the two have never been harmonious due to the ever present threat of Constantinople to the Visigothic territory; either because of warlike conflicts on its Mediterranean borders, or because of the remaining Byzantine’s territorial possessions on peninsular soil.

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