scholarly journals The National Front Against Poverty: The Struggle for Income Redistribution

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis Ernesto Campos
Keyword(s):  
Professional Education ◽  
The Elderly ◽  
Basic Income ◽  
Macroeconomic Policies ◽  
National Front ◽  
Extreme Poverty ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
The Government

<p>This article describes the campaign developed by unions, human rights organisations and other social movements in Argentina at the end of the 1990s in order to push the government to implement measures to eliminate poverty and extreme poverty. It also refers to the results of this campaign in the following years, highlighting not only its direct impact but also its indirect consequences in the medium term, in particular on the public debates related to the social policies implemented by the new centre–left government since 2003. This campaign, popularly known as FRENAPO (National Front Against Poverty), was organised in the context of the implementation of neo-liberal macroeconomic policies in Argentina, which led the country to the biggest crisis in its history at the end of 2001. The members of the campaign proposed a package of economic and social measures oriented to unemployed workers (a basic income grant plus a professional education scheme), to the children and to the elderly (a basic income grant for both). The proposal was supported in a referendum by more than three million people all over the country during December 2001, but it was not considered by the Parliament. Although the alliance that supported FRENAPO eventually crumbled, the campaign was successful in its objective of influencing the public debates on how to respond to poverty and extreme poverty. Several measures implemented by the new centre–left government since 2003 were inspired by those debates, particularly those aimed at guaranteeing an income for children and the elderly. This article analyses the context of the campaign, identifies its concrete goals, origins and members, and explains how FRENAPO built power in order to achieve those objectives. Finally, it addresses the main consequences of FRENAPO, both in the short and long term, and highlights its lessons for future campaigns.</p>

scholarly journals The social legitimacy of the universal basic income from a social justice perspective: a comparative analysis of Germany and Slovenia

2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-331
Author(s):  
Katharina Zimmermann ◽  
Urban Boljka ◽  
Tatjana Rakar ◽  
Maša Filipovič Hrast
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Basic Income ◽  
Group Discussions ◽  
The Public ◽  
Social Legitimacy ◽  
Societal Challenges ◽  
Welfare Institutions ◽  
The Social ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
Almost All

AbstractThe universal basic income (UBI) has found its way into public debates and has prominent advocates across almost all political camps. In many debates, it is presented as a solution for the consequences of a large variety of current societal challenges, such as unemployment, over-education, ecological crises, gender inequality and issues related to digitalization and automatization. While UBI has been discussed broadly from an expert position, we know very little about the population’s perceptions of UBI. Thus, to shed light on the public legitimacy of UBI as a radically different concept of social justice and citizenship, our contribution uses data from large group discussions where participants explicitly refer to the UBI as an option for a future welfare state. By comparing debates in Slovenia and Germany, we unearth that the perspective adopted by the participants towards a UBI is strongly shaped by the welfare institutions of the countries in which they live and the social justice principles embodied in those institutions.

Pelaksanaan Jaminan Kesehatan Oleh BPJS Kesehatan Dalam Perspektif Syariah

Liquidity ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-118
Author(s):  
Iwan Subandi ◽  
Fathurrahman Djamil
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Financial Institution ◽  
Social Supports ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
Ministry Of Finance ◽  
Health Support ◽  
The Government

Health is the basic right for everybody, therefore every citizen is entitled to get the health care. In enforcing the regulation for Jaringan Kesehatan Nasional (National Health Supports), it is heavily influenced by the foreign interests. Economically, this program does not reduce the people’s burdens, on the contrary, it will increase them. This means the health supports in which should place the government as the guarantor of the public health, but the people themselves that should pay for the health care. In the realization of the health support the are elements against the Syariah principles. Indonesian Muslim Religious Leaders (MUI) only say that the BPJS Kesehatan (Sosial Support Institution for Health) does not conform with the syariah. The society is asked to register and continue the participation in the program of Social Supports Institution for Health. The best solution is to enforce the mechanism which is in accordance with the syariah principles. The establishment of BPJS based on syariah has to be carried out in cooperation from the elements of Social Supports Institution (BPJS), Indonesian Muslim Religious (MUI), Financial Institution Authorities, National Social Supports Council, Ministry of Health, and Ministry of Finance. Accordingly, the Social Supports Institution for Helath (BPJS Kesehatan) based on syariah principles could be obtained and could became the solution of the polemics in the society.

27. Immigration and other evils: A profile of Dr. C. K. Clarke and the eugenics movement in Canada

2007 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
L. Lee
Keyword(s):  
Mentally Ill ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cornell University ◽  
The Public ◽  
Canadian Population ◽  
Historical Figures ◽  
The Social ◽  
Eugenics Movement ◽  
The Government ◽  
Mental Defectives

Dr. C.K. Clarke (1857-1924) was one of Canada’s most prominent psychiatrists. He sought to improve the conditions of asylums, helped to legitimize psychiatry and established formal training for nurses. At the beginning of the 20th Century, Canada experienced a surge of immigration. Yet – as many historians have shown – a widespread anti-foreigner sentiment within the public remained. Along with many other members of the fledgling eugenics movement, Clarke believed that the proportion of “mental defectives” was higher in the immigrant population than in the Canadian population and campaigned to restrict immigration. He appealed to the government to track immigrants and deport them once they showed signs of mental illness. Clarke’s efforts lead to amendments to the Immigration Act in 1919, which authorized deportation of people who were not Canadian-born, regardless of how many years that had been in Canada. This change applied not only to the mentally ill but also to those who could no longer work due to injury and to those who did not follow social norms. Clarke is a fascinating example of how we judge historical figures. He lived in a time where what we now think of as xenophobia was a socially acceptable, even worthy attitude. As a leader in eugenics, therefore, he was a progressive. Other biographers have recognized Clarke’s racist opinions, some of whom justify them as keeping with the social values of his era. In further exploring Clarke’s interest in these issues, this paper relies on his personal scrapbooks held in the CAMH archives. These documents contain personal papers, poems and stories that proclaim his anti-Semitic and anti-foreigner views. Whether we allow his involvement in the eugenics movement to overshadow his accomplishments or ignore his racist leanings to celebrate his memory is the subject of ongoing debate. Dowbiggin IR. Keeping America Sane: Psychiatry and Eugenics in the United States and Canada 1880-1940. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1997. McLaren A. Our Own Master Race: Eugenics in Canada 1885-1945. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1990. Roberts B. Whence They Came: Deportation from Canada 1900-1935. Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1988.

Coronavirus: Towards controlling of the pandemic - Indian scenario

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (SPL1) ◽  
pp. 462-468
Author(s):  
Latika kothari ◽  
Sanskruti Wadatkar ◽  
Roshni Taori ◽  
Pavan Bajaj ◽  
Diksha Agrawal
Keyword(s):  
Control Measures ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Medical Treatments ◽  
Health Crisis ◽  
The Public ◽  
Infection Control Measures ◽  
The Social ◽  
Asking Questions ◽  
The Government ◽  
Novel Coronavirus

Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) is a communicable infection caused by the novel coronavirus resulting in severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV). It was recognized to be a health crisis for the general population of international concern on 30th January 2020 and conceded as a pandemic on 11th March 2020. India is taking various measures to fight this invisible enemy by adopting different strategies and policies. To stop the COVID-19 from spreading, the Home Affairs Ministry and the health ministry, of India, has issued the nCoV 19 guidelines on travel. Screening for COVID-19 by asking questions about any symptoms, recent travel history, and exposure. India has been trying to get testing kits available. The government of India has enforced various laws like the social distancing, Janata curfew, strict lockdowns, screening door to door to control the spread of novel coronavirus. In this pandemic, innovative medical treatments are being explored, and a proper vaccine is being hunted to deal with the situation. Infection control measures are necessary to prevent the virus from further spreading and to help control the current situation. Thus, this review illustrates and explains the criteria provided by the government of India to the awareness of the public to prevent the spread of COVID-19.

The 2016 Police and Crime Commissioner elections

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Joyce
Keyword(s):  
Public Awareness ◽  
Primary Source ◽  
Source Material ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
Key Issues ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse the 2016 elections for Police and Crime Commissioners (PCCs) and to compare them with those that took place in 2012. It seeks to evaluate the background of the candidates who stood for office in 2016, the policies that they put forward, the results of the contests and the implications of the 2016 experience for future PCC elections. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based around several key themes – the profile of candidates who stood for election, preparations conducted prior to the contests taking place, the election campaign and issues raised during the contests, the results and the profile of elected candidates. The paper is based upon documentary research, making particular use of primary source material. Findings The research establishes that affiliation to a political party became the main route for successful candidates in 2016 and that local issues related to low-level criminality will dominate the future policing agenda. It establishes that although turnout was higher than in 2012, it remains low and that further consideration needs to be devoted to initiatives to address this for future PCC election contests. Research limitations/implications The research focusses on the 2016 elections and identifies a number of key issues that emerged during the campaign affecting the conduct of the contests which have a bearing on future PCC elections. It treats these elections as a bespoke topic and does not seek to place them within the broader context of the development of the office of PCC. Practical implications The research suggests that in order to boost voter participation in future PCC election contests, PCCs need to consider further means to advertise the importance of the role they perform and that the government should play a larger financial role in funding publicity for these elections and consider changing the method of election. Social implications The rationale for introducing PCCs was to empower the public in each police force area. However, issues that include the enhanced importance of political affiliation as a criteria for election in 2016 and the social unrepresentative nature of those who stood for election and those who secured election to this office in these contests coupled with shortcomings related to public awareness of both the role of PCCs and the timing of election contests threaten to undermine this objective. Originality/value The extensive use of primary source material ensures that the subject matter is original and its interpretation is informed by an academic perspective.

scholarly journals Are We Ready for the Arrival of the New COVID-19 Vaccinations? Great Promises and Unknown Challenges Still to Come

Vaccines ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 173
Author(s):  
Davide Gori ◽  
Chiara Reno ◽  
Daniel Remondini ◽  
Francesco Durazzi ◽  
Maria Pia Fantini
Keyword(s):  
Herd Immunity ◽  
The Elderly ◽  
Vaccine Hesitancy ◽  
Current Crisis ◽  
Complex Issue ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
To Come ◽  
Vaccination Campaigns ◽  
The Eu

While the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic continues to strike and collect its death toll throughout the globe, as of 31 January 2021, the vaccine candidates worldwide were 292, of which 70 were in clinical testing. Several vaccines have been approved worldwide, and in particular, three have been so far authorized for use in the EU. Vaccination can be, in fact, an efficient way to mitigate the devastating effect of the pandemic and offer protection to some vulnerable strata of the population (i.e., the elderly) and reduce the social and economic burden of the current crisis. Regardless, a question is still open: after vaccination availability for the public, will vaccination campaigns be effective in reaching all the strata and a sufficient number of people in order to guarantee herd immunity? In other words: after we have it, will we be able to use it? Following the trends in vaccine hesitancy in recent years, there is a growing distrust of COVID-19 vaccinations. In addition, the online context and competition between pro- and anti-vaxxers show a trend in which anti-vaccination movements tend to capture the attention of those who are hesitant. Describing this context and analyzing its possible causes, what interventions or strategies could be effective to reduce COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy? Will social media trend analysis be helpful in trying to solve this complex issue? Are there perspectives for an efficient implementation of COVID-19 vaccination coverage as well as for all the other vaccinations?

scholarly journals Polityka społeczna wobec ludzi starych w Polsce — uwarunkowania, rozwój i kierunki zmian

Ekonomia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 73-84
Author(s):  
Sylwia Wojtczak
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Older People ◽  
Senior Citizens ◽  
Population Aging ◽  
Social Activity ◽  
The Elderly ◽  
Modern Medicine ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Human And Social Capital

Social policy toward old people in Poland — conditions, development and directions of changesSocial policy shapes people’s living conditions. In the era of dynamic demographic changes, especially the aging of the population observed in Poland and across the world, the activity of the state focused on improving the quality of life of the elderly is particularly important. Population aging is a demographic process of increasing the proportion of older people while reducing the proportion of children in the society of a given country. Elderly people will continue to be a part of society, mainly due to the progress of civilization, advances in modern medicine and the popularization of so-called healthy living.Social policy toward the elderly should not be limited to managing the social security system and social welfare. Eff ective use of human and social capital of the elderly will be a growing challenge for this policy, and for senior citizens — spending satisfactorily the last years of one’s life. However, for some senior citizens, old age means or will mean poverty and living on the margins of civil society. The Ministry of Family, Labor and Social Polic y is responsible for the social policy of people in Poland, off ering for example in the years 2014–2020 to senior citizens such programs as “Senior +”, the Government Program for Social Activity of the Elderly ASOS or “Care 75+.” Each of the above programs have appropriate criteria that must be met to be able to use them. Are older people eager to use them, or are the eff ects of these programs already visible? This study will attempt to answer the above questions. The main purpose of the article is to diagnose and analyze selected government programs targeted at older people. In addition, perspectives for changes in social policy toward older people in Poland will be determined.

scholarly journals Upaya Penanganan Khusus Narapidana Lansia sebagai Kelompok Rentan

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (12) ◽  
pp. 855-867
Author(s):  
Elika Sifra Lidya ◽  
Mitro Subroto
Keyword(s):  
Justice System ◽  
Health Workers ◽  
The Elderly ◽  
Vulnerable Groups ◽  
Special Treatment ◽  
Correctional Institution ◽  
Correctional Services ◽  
The Social ◽  
Directorate General ◽  
The Government

LAPAS or Correctional Institution under the auspices of the Directorate General of Corrections is the final place of the criminal justice system process that fosters and integrates the social of convicts, so that when returning to society they are able to live a normal life. Elderly (according to Law No. 13 of 1998: Elderly) is a person whose age reaches the age of 60 years and above. In its efforts, Correctional Services interpret this understanding by regulating the rights of inmates contained in Law no. 12 of 1995 article 14 paragraph 1.The increasing age and declining body condition of the elderly inmates need special treatment both in health, treatment, and public services. Elderly inmates as much as possible are treated as people usually are, it's just that the place and application are different. This is for the implementation of part of Human Rights (HAM) as a national instrument. This special handling effort involves other stakeholders be it medical or health workers and the government to support the infrastructure needed. The elderly as one of the vulnerable groups become important objects in terms of how decent handlers are so that they feel cared for in their twilight years. Although until now still in the process and stages of refinement of special handling for them. The fact is still not optimal and this study illustrates how well the effort is.

scholarly journals FINANCIAL STABILITY OF THE SOLIDARITY PENSION SYSTEM IN UKRAINE

2019 ◽  
pp. 471-480
Author(s):  
О. Сhebereyako ◽  
◽  
V.. Bykova
Keyword(s):  
Financial Stability ◽  
Social Insurance ◽  
Pension Fund ◽  
Pension System ◽  
The Elderly ◽  
Government Budget ◽  
The Public ◽  
Revenue Collection ◽  
Accumulation System ◽  
The Government

The article is devoted to actual issues of public finance – old-age income support and social security in the twenty-first century. For this reason, government has tried to guarantee old-age’s pension eligibility. In our country pension system is presented with three-level pension system, which join mandatory and voluntary components – solidary system (first level), compulsory accumulation system (not exist now) and private pension system. According to Ukrainian’s pension model, basic and minimum pensions are funded by solidary system or PAYG (“Pay-As-You-Go”) system. As the results, maintains of sufficient financial resources of Pension fund’s budget is very important for financial stability of pension system. The authors show the relationship between sufficient financial support for the elderly in Ukraine and the financial capacity of the solidarity pension system. It was found that in order to form a financially stability pension system, it is necessary to ensure a sufficient amount of own pension fund revenues and avoiding deficit of the Pension Fund’s budget. So, the main indicators of current PAYG system in Ukraine include the public pension expenditures and deficit of the Pension Fund. The article presents dynamics of revenues to the Pension Fund of Ukraine and structure of own pension fund revenues and allocations from the government budged. According to author’s research, the main source of revenue collection of the Pension fund’s budget in Ukraine is the budget’s transfers. О. Чеберяко, В. Бикова ISSN 2078-5860 ФОРМУВАННЯ РИНКОВОЇ ЕКОНОМІКИ В УКРАЇНІ. 2019. Вип. 41 480 The budget expenditures in the structure of income of the pension fund are also analyzed. The total amount of the government budget expenditures that are directed to financing the pension fund are about twenty percent. In our opinion, the key reasons of the “lack of own income” are the shadowing of the economy, the macroeconomic situation, the low minimum wage, the existence of a limit on the maximum amount of wages, which accrues percent of social contribution. As a conclusion, the authors suggest measures for solving the issue of “lack of own income” of the Pension Fund of Ukraine – rising the retirement age, labor market’s reforming, increasing insurance fees and implement compulsory accumulation system. The analytical materials and conclusions can be useful for following researches of finding solutions for achieving the financial stable Pay-You-Go system. Key words: pension system, The Pension fund, social insurance payments, deficit of The Pension fund, government budget.

scholarly journals Public Distrust and Environmental Citizenship: Primary Impetuses of Radical Protest in Bima District, 2011-2012

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 187
Author(s):  
Rahmad Hidayat
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Environmental Governance ◽  
Agricultural Land ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
The Public ◽  
Low Level ◽  
Environmental Citizenship ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

This article aims to show how the social movement was conducted in the framework of claiming a number of aspects of citizenship, especially environmental rights and political participation, to the local government. The refusal of FRAT Bima over the extractive policy of the Government of Bima District during 2011-2012 becomes a reflective context of the type of social movement with such a framework. This social protest should be explored further because it used acts of vandalism on some public facilities as the chosen way to fight against the environmental and political injustices. Through a case study, the author aims to explore the sequence of repertoires which were applied sequentially by FRAT Bima’s social protest as well as to examine its linkage with environmental citizenship and public distrust. Despite being closely related to citizens' awareness about environmental citizenship, the occurrence of this anarchist movement was also triggered by the low level of "formal legitimacy" of the local government as a seed of public distrust towards the intentions of environmental governance policy that was about to be applied to make the agricultural land owned by villagers as the site of a certain project of mineral extraction. The lack of the government’s formal legitimacy, which was supported by the growing awareness of environmental citizenship, has led the sequential application of conventional and non-conventional strategies in the demands articulation of FRAT Bima. This sequence of repertoires was held due to the low-level of government's responsiveness in accommodating the public claims about the cancellation of an undemocratic environmental policy.

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