scholarly journals Mobilidade político-religiosa na vida de Jerônimo de Stridon

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
pp. 173
Author(s):  
Andréia Rosin Caprino Taborda

Entre as várias formas existentes de mobilidade no âmbito histórico, apresentamos neste artigo sobretudo a mobilidade política e religiosa na vida de um personagem que viveu no século IV e V d.C.: Jerônimo de Stridon. A sua atuação enquanto homem altamente erudito, produtor de diversas obras cristãs, as suas extensas viagens por terras ocidentais e orientais, a assunção de cargos importantes na sociedade romano-helenística e as pessoas com as quais conviveu, apontam para uma forte movimentação em sua trajetória, característica do período em questão, a Antiguidade Tardia. O percurso de Jerônimo enquanto um indivíduo híbrido - cristão devoto de formação clássica pagã, e homem político e religioso atuante em seu contexto, representam as particularidades da época tardo-antiga romano-oriental, sendo a mais importante, ao nosso ver, a intensa efervescência de ideias dentro de um panorama de transformações e readaptações.Palavras-chave: Jerônimo de Stridon, Mobilidade político-religiosa, Antiguidade Tardia. AbstractAmong the many existing ways of mobility in the historical ambit, in this article we present mainly the political and religious mobility into the life of a person who lived in the IV and V centuries b.C.: Jerome of Stridon. His acting as highly erudite man, writer of many christian works, his extense travels in western and eastern lands, the assumption in important functions in the roman-helenical society and the people he lived with, point to a strong movimentation in his trajectory, characteristic of the period in point, the Late Antiquity. Jerome’s path as a hybrid individual – devout christian with a classic pagan formation, and active political and religious man on his context, represent the particularities of the late-ancient roman-oriental age, being the most important, in our perspective, the intense effervescence of ideas inside of a panorama of transformations and readaptations.Key-words: Jerome of Stridon, Political-religious mobility, Late Antiquity.

2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jude Jones

The religious temperature of post-Reformation early modern England was constantly over-heating. Given that Protestant belief was frequently challenged by residual dissent, religious identity of whatever kind was crucial to both individual and parochial cosmological understanding. Hence, the many spatial, sensory, material and performative changes which were visited on parish churches over this period were designed to shape and redirect belief, but could also act to confuse believers. In order to penetrate this mass of religious reaction and response, I employ Assemblage Theory, particularly that of the political theorist, Jane Bennett, whose thinking is currently strongly influential amongst archaeologists. Using her work on the vitality of matter and the importance of the assemblage as a phenomenon containing material, non-material and human components, I apply a selection of her ideas to diagnostic elements of being and belief visible in the religious activities and materiality of the early modern parish church. While I refrain from discussing particular human individuals or groups, my chosen examples are intended to foreground the ontology of early modern parishioners, their perception of their hierarchical status within Anglican cosmology, their territorial conceptions of religious space and the workings of time as seen through the sequential assemblages of monumental tombs. Following Bennett, but departing from the current archaeological concentration on the primacy of materiality, this essay is designed to plug some of the people-shaped holes which are sometimes left unfilled by their surrounding material networks.


Matatu ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 373-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammed Inuwa Umar–Buratai

The discourses of nationhood and nation-building in the developed Western world have been facilitated by the prevalent cultures of writing and documentation. The situation in the developing world has remained largely fragmented because of the absence of such coherent, broadcast, and comprehensive forums for a discourse on 'nationhood'. Different societies articulate their perception of the priorities of nationhood in a range of forms – manifest in ritual visual displays, entertainment and formal rhetoric such as poetry, religious sayings and quotations – which were not dependent on literacy, including the ceremony of durbar. The ordinary people construe the durbar as a spectacle, perhaps because it encompasses a wide range of performance artists drawn from the many groupings within society. However, durbar functions, through its display of martial strength, to reinforce the political and religious power of the ruling elite: durbar within society. The focus in this essay is to examine political undertones of durbar, specifically the ways in which localized participation in the reinforcing ritual of relationships of power provides the people with an opportunity for the public exhibition of individual skills and for the elites an avenue for containing any nascent – or potential – articulation of resistance in society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 375
Author(s):  
Randy Pradityo

Penyelesaian perkara pada jalur litigasi yang cenderung lambat ditambah dengan penumpukan perkara, didukung dengan banyaknya celah atau kekurangan pada undang-undang partai politik, khususnya terkait penyelesaian perselisihan internal partai. Banyaknya permasalahan tersebut mengharuskan setiap individu yang terlibat untuk mengambil tindakan progresif dengan melampaui peraturan tersebut. Tindakan progresif yang dimaksud salah satunya melalui jalur non-litigasi yakni mediasi. Mediasi dilaksanakan dengan musyawarah mufakat, dengan melibatkan rakyat didalamnya, atau lebih tepatnya tokoh masyarakat yang dirasa netral. Terlepas hal itu merupakan sengketa internal partai, namun rakyatlah yang memiliki andil di dalam setiap roda kehidupan partai politik di dalam sistem demokrasi. Kemudian ada beberapa cara yang bisa ditempuh dalam rangka penyelesaian perselisihan internal partai politik, selain mediasi tadi, ada tiga sistem penunjang untuk mencegah potensi buruk yang ditimbulkan akibat gejolak internal partai. Pertama, melalui mekanisme internal yang menjamin demokratisasi melalui partisipasi anggota partai politik tersebut dalam proses pengambilan keputusan. Kedua, melalui mekanisme transparansi partai melalui rakyat di luar partai yang dapat ikut-serta berpartisipasi dalam penentuan kebijakan yang hendak diperjuangkan melalui dan oleh partai politik. Ketiga, menjamin kebebasan berpikir, berpendapat dan berekspresi, serta kebebasan untuk berkumpul dan berorganisasi secara damai.The settlement of cases in litigation pathways that tend to be slow coupled with the accumulation of cases, supported by the many gaps or shortcomings in the laws of political parties, especially related to the settlement of internal party disputes. The number of these problems requires every individual involved to take progressive action by exceeding these regulations. The progressive actions that are meant by one of them through non-litigation means mediation. Mediation is carried out through consensus deliberations, involving the people in it, or more precisely the community leaders who are perceived as neutral. Apart from that it is an internal party dispute, but it is the people who have a share in every wheel of the life of a political party in a democratic system. Then there are several ways that can be pursued in order to resolve internal political party disputes, in addition to the mediation, there are three support systems to prevent the bad potential arising from internal party turmoil. First, through an internal mechanism that guarantees democratization through the participation of members of the political party in the decision making process. Second, through the mechanism of party transparency through people outside the party who can participate in the determination of policies that are to be fought for through and by political parties. Third, guarantee the freedom of thought, opinion and expression, as well as the freedom to gather and organize peacefully.


Author(s):  
Ishaq Rahman ◽  
Elyta Elyta

ABSTRACT A country that implements the system as mentioned earlier is more towards an authoritarian system of government which aims to dominate and dominate the power of the state towards the people. Democracy cannot survive from such a closed state. In a basic concept of democracy, there is a fundamental principle, namely the principle of sovereignty of the people who run the government.Political communication is one of the many roles played by political parties in various available arrangements. The political party is required to communicate knowledge, issues and political thoughts.Constitutionally, the Government adopts a Presidential System in which the ministers in the cabinet are responsible to the president. But in practice the SBY-JK administration is more of a Parliamentary System. Keywords: political parties, democracy, SBY government


2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 427-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Massimo Vidale

This article discusses the identity of the people buried in the Great Death Pit PG 1237, a mass grave of the Royal Cemetery of Ur, and the ways they died and entered the shaft. Admittedly, the evidence required to positively solve the many taphonomic and osteological questions involved does not exist, because of the way the site was excavated and published in the early twentieth century. Nonetheless, the original excavators’ skill and unquestioned care in mapping and recording still prepares the ground for new alternative interpretations. As the ‘Rams Caught in a Thicket’ (two statuettes found in the mass grave) may have been the front parts of lyres, and almost all the dead might have entered the shaft impersonating musicians, singers and dancers, the paramount importance of music in the funerals of Sumerian elites is emphasized. New radiographic evidence recently suggested that some of the buried persons were killed violently, refuting the traditional theory of a voluntary mass suicide by poison. The bodies of the victims might have been formally prepared and serially brought to the pit in burial groups. Stratigraphy and spatial distribution reveal consistent depositional patterns dictated by specific rituals, as already proposed on the basis of more limited evidence by other authors. Formal arrangement and ritualism, in turn, support Woolley's identification of the graves as sacred constructions and thus reaffirms their royal character. The article ends by considering the historical meaning of the nature of these impressive funerals at the verge of the political unification of Mesopotamia by the house of Sargon.


Phronesis ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 162-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elsa Bouchard

AbstractA new assessment of Aristotle Politics 3.11 shows that most of the arguments contained in this chapter are strictly analogical and should not be granted too much weight in Aristotle’s overall conception of popular government. A close analysis of the four analogies used by Aristotle to illustrate the so-called “wisdom of the many” brings to light both the negative and the positive conclusions allowed by this chapter, the following in particular: 1) the partial inclusion of the people in government decisions is desirable insofar as the people are affected by these decisions; 2) the people’s judgements are most qualified in some areas of political life, such as the audit of the magistrates; 3) the optimal distribution of power in the political community is made in accordance with the relative merits of all its members.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 25-36
Author(s):  
Arjun Tremblay

Jacob Levy describes three variants of the separation of powers in the 31st Annual McDonald Lecture in Constitutional Studies, only one of which is germane to this reflection. The first variant he describes is based solely on the independence of the judiciary from both the executive and legislative branches of governments; consequently, this variant encompasses both presidential and parliamentary systems under its conceptual ambit. Another variant, which Levy attributes to Montesquieu, envisages the separation of powers between executive, judicial, and legislative branches as a way of allowing for the “pooled”1 rule of “the one” (i.e. monarch), “the few” (i.e. aristocrats), and “the many” (i.e. the people). Levy also describes a distinctly American variant of the separation of powers undergirded by a system of checks and balances. This variant was designed to ensure “mutual monitoring between executive and legislative”2 and it vests the legislative branch with the power to impeach the executive in order to “maintain effective limits on the political power and the political ambition of the president.”3


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Denny Arinanda Kurnia

General Election is a means of implementing the sovereignty of the people in direct, general, free, confidential, honest, and fair manner within the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia based on Pancasila and the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945. The election has many dynamics, expensive politics, lavish campaign funds for image politics, costly consulting and surveys of winning money, as well as money politics. The disclosure of political parties is highly important in the implementation of the elections due to the many streams of corruption used in the election. As a result, people do not believe in political parties, or some Indonesians are no longer sympathetic to political parties. The idea of a political party's financial transparency regulation should be carefully examined in the Indonesians’ election codification scheme. In the future, Indonesia must have a transparent and accountable campaign or political funding arrangement, along with strong sanctions and binding on the parties involved. Therefore, the people will restore their trust to the political parties, and assure the political parties to channel their aspirations in the granting of rights in the elections.Keywords: Finance; Political parties; Corruption


Paramasastra ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Siwi Tri Purnani

Literature is one form of cultural for delivering all forms of initiative, work, events, and human beliefs are poured in written and non-written. Literary were created also to be used for the various purposes that people wants, to give suggestions, satire, criticism, education, and so on. This article aims to let the reader understand that one of the examples of oral literature that was also created with the sarcasm is the story of the origin of Reog. There is one version that spread in the many peopleand has links with the political bureaucracy of its time. At that time, Reog believed to be used as a medium or a means to convey satire and criticism of the people to the government. The sarcasm is contained in Reog’s origins with a version of the story of Ki Ageng Kutu’s rebellion, a royal servant in the Bhre Kertabhumi period, the last Majapahit king who had a power in the fifteenth century. It was told that Ki Ageng Kutu was wrathful with the influence of King’s wife who came from Cina and his corrupt government.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-36
Author(s):  
Denny Arinanda Kurnia

General Election is a means of implementing the sovereignty of the people in direct, general, free, confidential, honest, and fair manner within the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia based on Pancasila and the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945. The election has many dynamics, expensive politics, lavish campaign funds for image politics, costly consulting and surveys of winning money, as well as money politics. The disclosure of political parties is highly important in the implementation of the elections due to the many streams of corruption used in the election. As a result, people do not believe in political parties, or some Indonesians are no longer sympathetic to political parties. The idea of a political party's financial transparency regulation should be carefully examined in the Indonesians’ election codification scheme. In the future, Indonesia must have a transparent and accountable campaign or political funding arrangement, along with strong sanctions and binding on the parties involved. Therefore, the people will restore their trust to the political parties, and assure the political parties to channel their aspirations in the granting of rights in the elections.


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