scholarly journals Party-Political System Transformation in Italy

2021 ◽  
Vol 102 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-123
Author(s):  
Elena Maslova ◽  
◽  
Ekaterina Shebalina ◽  
◽  

Throughout the years of the existence of the Italian Republic, the country's political system has been characterized by both periods of stability and turbulence. The article presents a comprehensive analysis of the transformation of the Italian party-political system and political landscape, macrotendencies of Italian politics from the First Republic (1948) to the present. The research highlights the main features of each period. The authors reflect on the possible emergence of the Third Republic in Italy. The study is relevant in view of the growing government crisis in the Italian Republic, aggravated by the epidemiological situation. Among the main trends that characterize the modern political system, the authors underline increasing heterogeneity, the emergence of coalitions that are formed not in accordance with political programs and political values, but with the political situation based on the principle “here and now”; tendency towards personification of parties, and increasing fragmentation of political spectrum. This gives a ground to deliberate on a possible existence in Italy of “liquid politics” (politica liquida) as a state of continuous political system “melting and overflowing” in the absence of a clear ideological delimitation ‒ one of the stages at which a new political reality is being constructed.

1991 ◽  
Vol 35 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 174-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
James S. Read

The 1979 Constitution of Nigeria was widely acclaimed as a boldly innovative attempt to introduce structures for democratic government which were new to the Commonwealth. These included the adoption of an American-style separation of legislative and executive powers, albeit with many distinctive elements, to replace the “Westminster model” which had been so productive of tension and conflict at both federal and regional levels under the Independence Constitution of 1960 and the Constitution of the First Republic (1963–66). The executive presidency also represented continuity with the realities of military government (1966–79). Although that transition from the Whitehall to the White House model in the Second Republic (1979–83) proved a short-lived experiment, the problems which precipitated the military coup of 31 December, 1983, or were cited as justifying it, were not attributed to defects in the basic constitutional structures but rather to the ways in which they had been operated by the politicians elected to office—many of whom, as survivors from the previous political era, were more familiar with “Westminster” than “Washington” Now a new generation of constitution-makers has affirmed, on behalf of the nation, its confidence in the basic scheme adopted in 1979: indeed, the new Constitution, enacted in 1989 for implementation in 1992, closely reproduces the structure and most of the detailed provisions of the 1979 Constitution; yet such similarity belies fundamental changes in the political system now in process of restoration.


Author(s):  
Andrei Nosikov

Extrapolating the network approach to the socio-political process as a whole, the article analyzes the phenomenon of connection of network space and political reality, characterized by the mutual influence and interdependence of the phenomena occurring in both areas. There are four main interfaces (public space, institutional outputs, direct action, radical action) of interaction between the network space and the political system. The author substantiates the significance of the phenomenon of connection as a determinant of the modern political process, identifies the main indicators of connection, anticipating significant changes in the political landscape. In conclusion, the author points out both the risks of connection, new challenges for today’s political institutions, and the emergence of new windows of opportunities for the modernization of socio-political institutions. Nine political designs are modeled based on conjugation connection.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.


2009 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boubacar N'Diaye

ABSTRACTThe 3 August 2005 military coup was Mauritania's best opportunity to turn the page on decades of the deposed quasi-military regime's destructive politics. This article critically analyses relevant aspects of the transition that ensued in the context of the prevailing models of military withdrawal from politics in Africa. It also examines the challenges that Mauritania's short-lived Third Republic faced. It argues that the transition process did not escape the well-known African military junta leader's proclivity to manipulate transitions to fulfil suddenly awakened self-seeking political ambitions, in violation of solemn promises. While there was no old-fashioned ballot stuffing to decide electoral outcomes, Mauritania's junta leader and his lieutenants spared no effort to keep the military very much involved in politics, and to perpetuate a strong sense of entitlement to political power. Originally designed as an ingenious ‘delayed self-succession’ of sorts, in the end, another coup aborted Mauritania's democratisation process and threw its institutions in a tailspin. This only exacerbated the challenges that have saddled Mauritania's political system and society for decades – unhealthy civil-military relations, a dismal ‘human rights deficit’, terrorism, and a neo-patrimonial, disastrously mismanaged economy.


2020 ◽  
pp. 52-57
Author(s):  
Эдиль Канатбеков

В статье рассматривается политическая культура Кыргызстана как одна из важных основ политической жизни общества. Уделяется внимание на необходимость развития политической культуры общества, как фундаментальной основы цивилизации, основ существования общества и общественных отношений. В работе анализируется сущность политической культуры. Описывается проблема формирования политической культуры Кыргызстана как одной из актуальных тем, на протяжении многих лет. Рассматривается формирование и становление политической культуры Кыргызстана, как очень трудоёмкий и долговременный процесс, обусловленный определенными аспектами политико-культурологического характера. Политическая культура конкретной общности состоит из представлений индивидов, их взглядов, политических ценностей, политической идеологии и символики, политических норм, стандартов, стереотипов. Каждый субъект страны являясь гражданином так или иначе становиться свидетелем и даже участником политической реальности, тем самым на основе этих элементов и опыта человек формирует собственный взгляд и определяет для себя систему ценностей и линию поведения. Макалада Кыргызстандын саясий маданияты коомдун саясий турмушунун маанилүү негиздеринин бири катары каралат. Цивилизациянын фундаменталдык негизи, коомдун жана коомдук мамилелердин негиздеринин маңызы катары коомдун саясий маданиятын өнүктүрүү зарылдыгына көңүл бурулган. Изилдөө ишинде саясий маданияттын маани-маңызына анализ жүргүзүлгөн. Кыргызстанда саясий маданияттын калыптануу көйгөйү көп жылдардан бери актуалдуу темалардын бири катары эсептелинет. Кыргызстандын саясий маданиятынын калыптанышы жана калыптануусу саясий жана маданий мүнөздүн айрым аспектилерине байланыштуу өтө эмгекчил жана узак мөөнөттүү процесс катары каралат. Белгилүү бир коомдун саясий маданияты жеке адамдардын идеяларынан, алардын көз караштарынан, саясий баалуулуктарынан, саясий идеологиясынан жана символдорунан, саясий нормаларынан, стандарттарынан, стереотиптеринен турат. Өлкөнүн ар бир субъектиси, ошол өлкөнүн жараны болуп туруп, кандайдыр бир жол менен саясий чындыктын интригасынын күбөсү, ал тургай, катышуучусу болуп калат, ошентип, адам ушул элементтердин жана тажрыйбанын негизинде өзүнүн көз карашын калыптандырат жана өзү үчүн баалуулуктар системасын жана жүрүм-турум линиясын аныктайт. Тhe article considers the political culture of Kyrgyzstan as one of the important foundations of the political life of society. Attention paid to the need to develop the political culture of society as the fundamental basis of civilization, the foundations of the existence of society and social relations. The paper analyzes the essence of political culture. The article describes the problem of forming the political culture of Kyrgyzstan as one of the topical issues for many years. The article considers the formation and formation of the political culture of Kyrgyzstan as a very labor-intensive and long-term process, due to certain aspects of political and cultural character. Тhe Political culture of a particular community consists of individual representations, their views, political values, political ideology and symbols, political norms, standards, and stereotypes. Each subject of the country, being a citizen, in one way or another becomes a witness and even a participant in the intrigue of political reality, thereby the basis of these elements and experience, a person forms his own view and defines for himself a system of values and a line of behavior.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 32
Author(s):  
Muryanti Muryanti

Abstrak. Perilaku korupsi dalam perspektif fungsionalisme structural berfungsi sebagai pelumas birokrasi untuk mempercepat sistem birokrasi menjalankan tugasnya. Korupsi merupakan salah satu fungsi melekat dalam fungsi politik dan fungsi ekonomi yang berjalan beriringan untuk memperoleh keuntungan maksimal. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui fungsi positif dari korupsi pada sistem politik di film: Korupsi dan Kita: Rumah Perkara. Film ini merupakan salah satu cermin situasi perpolitikan di Indonesia yang sangat rentan dengan perilaku dan tindak pidana korupsi. Metode penelitian adalah kualitatif dengan menganalisis data sekunder film dan menganalisisnya dengan perspektif structural fungsional. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa fungsi positif dari korupsi benar-benar dijalankan oleh pebisnis untuk mendapatkan keuntungan dari bisnisnya tanpa mempertimbangkan moral dan mengabaikan moral itu sendiri. Perilaku bisnis bekerjasama dengan pejabat dengan melakukan suap untuk menggoalkan tujuannya. Kedua belah pihak sama-sama mendapatkan keuntungan maksimal karena kepentingan bisnis dan politik bisa berjalan beriringan. Sisi yang lain, masyarakat banyak menderita karena perilaku korupsi, diantaranya: kehilangan lahan, pekerjaan dan tanah kelahiran.    Kata Kunci: Tindakan Korupsi, Imoral, Amoral dan Struktural Fungsional  Abstract. Corrupt behaviour, in the perspective of structural functionalism, function as the lubricant of bureaucracy to quicken the bureaucracy system in doing their job. Corruption does have political function as well as economical client which runs simultaneously to gain maximum advantage. This writing is aimed to discover the positive function of corruptionin the political system in the movie Korupsidan Kita: RumahPerkara. This movie is one example of political situation in Indonesia which is very vulnerable to corruption. The research method is qualitative by analysing secondary data, which is movie, with structural and functional perspective. The result of the research shows that the positive function of corruption is really done by the businessman to gain advantage towards their business but with ignoring the moral value. In reaching the goal, businessman cooperate with government officers. The two parties get the advantages because business and political importance can actually run together. In the other side, society suffer from this corruption activity for example: losing land, occupation and birthplace.Keywords: corruption, immoral, structural and functional


Author(s):  
A. Dzhumadullaeva ◽  
◽  
E. Zulpykharova ◽  

The article considers the fact that the Seljuk state was founded by the Oghuz Seljuks, as well as the internal social policy of the Seljuk empire as a prerequisite for a crisis in the country (late XI and early XII centuries). The Seljuks combined the fragmented political landscape of the eastern Islamic world and played a key role in first and second crusades. Strongly Persianized in culture and language, the Seljuks also played an important role in the development of the Turkic-Persian tradition, even exporting Persian culture to Anatolia. The resettlement of Turkic tribes in the northwestern peripheral parts of the empire with the military strategic goal of repelling the invasions of neighboring states led to the gradual Turkization of these territories. Sultans handed out nobles and ordinary warriors to the nobility - ikta, which made it possible for the sultan to maintain power. At the end of the XI century, large conquests ended, bringing the nobility new lands and military booty, which led to a change in the political situation in the country. Know began to strive to turn their possessions into legally hereditary, and their power over the Rayyats - into unlimited; the owners of large Lenas raised rebellions, seeking independence (Khorezm in the 1st half of the XII century). To provide the army with land (ICT), wages, gifts, food, weapons, uniforms, medicines, the Sultan's government went to any expense. The widespread use of ICT in the army has allowed the creation of a stable mercenary army, specializing in the change of people's squads


Author(s):  
Dace Dzenovska

Chapter 4 examines critical thinking as the skill that tolerance workers understood to be crucial for cultivating tolerant selves and publics in Latvia. Tolerance workers’ belief that critical thinking would lead to the correct conclusions about how to understand and live with ethnic, racial, and religious diversity coincided with extensive projects of promoting critical thinking in the former socialist world. From the liberal perspective, the former socialist world lacked critical thinking due to the legacies of an authoritarian political system and memorization-based education. This was thought to hinder the postsocialist subjects’ ability to establish the kind of relationship to their collective past that the European moral and political landscape demanded. However, lessons in political liberalism overlooked the multiplicity and heterogeneity of critical practices of former socialist subjects and obfuscated the historical specificity and ideological underpinnings of “critical thinking” as the special truth-producing instrument of actually existing political liberalism.


Author(s):  
Raphael Lana Seabra

This chapter aims to debate the pertinence of fascism as a concept for analyzing the recent socio-political situation in Brazil. It confronts the fact that there has been, in the last few years, a rise of politicians and movements that seem to reproduce elements typical of fascism: a tendency towards authoritarianism, leadership strength, the decimation of minorities, and a hatred towards the left and differences in general. Confronting the emergence of these phenomena, the chapter will examine certain facts, tendencies, and social classes in contemporary Brazil. The particularities of the political system of domination in dependent capitalism will be highlighted. The power and exploitation structure of dependent capitalism presents significant obstacles for the emergence of a minimally cohesive fascist movement. The country has, however, a repressive and political structure that is not very democratic.


1974 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 274-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harvey F. Kline

The use of “group” as a unit of analysis has a long tradition in political science. Some proponents of this approach (Bentley, 1908; Hagan, 1966) define group in such a broad way as to simplify the study of politics little if any. An empirically more useful approach to the study of groups is that pursued by David Truman (1955), who concentrates his attention on interest groups. Although he never states that all of the politics of the United States can be understood through the study of interest groups, it is clear that Truman considers the study of such groups to be a central aspect and, in effect, hypothesizes that such would be the case in any political system. Whether this is in fact the case can be tested by cross-national studies. In one such study, Joseph La Palombara (1960) concluded that the important aspects of Italian politics are not explained satisfactorily by studying organized interest groups. This is in direct contradiction to Truman's implicit hypothesis, which would be refuted if numerous studies in other political systems concluded as La Palombara's did.


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