Participatory Democracy and Chaebol Regulation in Korea: State-Market Relations under the MDP Governments, 1997––2003

Asian Survey ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yeonho Lee
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Participatory Democracy ◽  
Third Sector ◽  
Market Structures ◽  
Civic Organizations ◽  
The Government ◽  
Market Relations ◽  
Corporate Reform

The government-chaebol nexus formed under Democratic Party governments reflects new state-market relations in Korea that are predicated on a democratic model emphasizing participation and equity. The participatory democratic logic of corporate reform assumes that civic organizations, functioning as a third sector, should act as watchdogs and whistle-blowers to correct any unequal market structures.

DIRECTIONS FOR PROVISION OF PUBLIC BODIES’ TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY IN CONDITIONS OF PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY DEVELOPMENT

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (11) ◽  
pp. 144-154
Author(s):  
Olga Mykhailоvna Ivanitskaya
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Participatory Democracy ◽  
Main Task ◽  
The Public ◽  
State Governance ◽  
Legislative Initiative ◽  
The Government ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
Transparency And Accountability

The article is devoted to issues of ensuring transparency and ac- countability of authorities in the conditions of participatory democracy (democ- racy of participation). It is argued that the public should be guaranteed not only the right for access to information but also the prerequisites for expanding its par- ticipation in state governance. These prerequisites include: the adoption of clearly measurable macroeconomic and social goals and the provision of control of the processes of their compliance with the government by citizens of the country; ex- tension of the circle of subjects of legislative initiative due to realization of such rights by citizens and their groups; legislative definition of the forms of citizens’ participation in making publicly significant decisions, design of relevant orders and procedures, in particular participation in local referendum; outlining methods and procedures for taking into account social thought when making socially im- portant decisions. The need to disclose information about resources that are used by authorities to realize the goals is proved as well as key performance indicators that can be monitored by every citizen; the efforts made by governments of coun- tries to achieve these goals. It was noted that transparency in the conditions of representative democracy in its worst forms in a society where ignorance of the thought of society and its individual members is ignored does not in fact fulfill its main task — to establish an effective dialogue between the authorities and so- ciety. There is a distortion of the essence of transparency: instead of being heard, society is being asked to be informed — and passively accept the facts presented as due. In fact, transparency and accountability in this case are not instruments for the achievement of democracy in public administration, but by the form of a tacit agreement between the subjects of power and people, where the latter passes the participation of an “informed observer”.

Foreword

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheri Berman
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
National Level ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Western Democracy ◽  
British Labour ◽  
State And Local ◽  
The Government ◽  
Democratic Parties

The decline of the centre-left over the past years is one of the most alarming trends in Western politics. During the latter part of the 20th century such parties either ran the government or led the loyal Opposition in virtually every Western democracy. Germany’s Social Democratic Party (SPD), once the most powerful party of the left in continental Europe, currently polls in high 20s or 30s. The French Socialist Party was eviscerated in the 2017 elections, as was the Dutch Labour Party. Even the vaunted Scandinavian social democratic parties are struggling, reduced to vote shares in the 30 per cent range. The British Labour Party and the US Democrats have been protected from challengers by their country’s first-past-the-post electoral systems, but the former has recently taken a sharp turn to the hard-left under Jeremy Corbyn, while the latter, although still competitive at the national level, is a minority party at the state and local levels, where a hard-right Republican Party dominates the scene....

Addressing food poverty in the UK

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Greenwood
Keyword(s):  
Social Isolation ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Emotional Support ◽  
Third Sector ◽  
Community Life ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk

The foodbank network The Trussell Trust does not only give emergency food supplies, but also offers emotional support and a growing range of practical projects via the More Than Food programme to help tackle poverty-related issues. The mission is to bring communities together to end hunger and poverty in the UK by providing compassionate, practical help while challenging injustice. This chapter details the different programmes The Trussell Trust have devised and thereby examines some external challenges the London network faces. The chapter concludes that poverty and hunger are often amplified through social isolation. It suggests that more work needs to be done in order to increase collaboration across sectors, and specifically between the government, third sector, and businesses. There is increased need for more community life, and the fostering of social relations appears ever greater.

Gender justice discourse in the educational system of Afghanistan during the Marxist period (1978–1992)

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 632-644
Author(s):  
M Davood Sokhanwar ◽  
Seyed Mahdi Sajjadi ◽  
Yahia Baiza ◽  
Mohsen Imani
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Gender Justice ◽  
Access To Education ◽  
Hegemonic Discourse ◽  
Qualitative Research Methodology ◽  
Effective Role ◽  
The Government ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Political Agents

This study examines women’s access to education (‘gender justice’) during the rule of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan from 1978 to 1992, using a qualitative research methodology and discourse analysis at the operational level from the perspective of Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory. The data collected in this research were extracted from textual sources concerning the role of women in education in Afghanistan in the Marxist era: the importance of the data concerns an understanding of the intellectual and political atmosphere, particularly with regard to women’s education, in the government of the time. It is concluded that several factors contributed to the failure of the hegemonic discourse, despite intensive efforts made by Marxist government to realize hegemony and gender justice. Political agents, availability, credibility and exclusion, as elements of the hegemonic discourse, were evaluated and it is further concluded that these elements were unable to play an effective role in the discourse, as had been expected, and were gradually marginalized.

scholarly journals Elements of Political-Legal Development of Ukraine Strategy: Aspects of Actualization and Scholarly Comprehension

2021 ◽  
pp. 505-514
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Tarasyuk
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Family Relations ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
Market Society ◽  
Non Profit ◽  
Liberal Economy ◽  
The Government ◽  
National Programs ◽  
Market Relations

and Scholarly Comprehension The unbalanced state apparatus in the conditions of the law enforcement system inaction and the chaotic actions of the authorities aimed at overcoming the crisis caused by the resistance of oligarchic capital eloquently testify to the need to implement systematic programs to restore and develop strategic directions of the state. Strengthening and separating regional elites from the center weakens the role and discredits central governments; the loss of control over the strategic sectors of the economy monopolized by the oligarchs requires the government to constantly seek a compromise between the interests of the state and meet the needs of corrupt capital; lack of own (national) programs for the development of education and science, national security and defense, information policy – led to the introduction of foreign ideas and concepts, sometimes outdated and sometimes irrelevant to modern Ukrainian conditions (for example, the introduction of restrictive economic instruments contribute to the destruction of countries, unable to provide their needs with their own resources at least 90%). The constant reduction of financial, natural, and human resources has led to growing public discontent with the oligarchs who «colonized Ukraine» in the late 1990s and early 2000s and, depending on Russian markets, pursue their own mercantile interests contrary to state interests. Elite change is one of the most pressing and painful issues related to the restoration of subjectivity and statehood in the Ukrainian state. None of the previous mass protests, the Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity, led to a change of elites as the primary, basic cause of mass discontent. Policy inclusiveness and economic monopolization do not help restore public confidence in government actions and decisions. Domestic elites are in one way or another closely connected (dependent) with oligarchic capital – whether financial, political or media. Thus, Ukrainian elites can be confidently called pro-oligarchic, and oligarchs – representatives of domestic elites. The public demand for the de-elitization of the oligarchs has every reason to grow into another Maidan. In Ukraine, during the thirty years of independence, no conditions have been created for the professional realization of educators, scientists, doctors, journalists, engineers, etc. All so-called non-profit professions are in deep decline. Market relations have gradually transformed into market thinking – a liberal economy turns us into a market society. When measuring education, medicine, politics, friendship or family relations according to the standards of market thinking – the market suffers, and public relations, and education, medicine, science, politics, etc. – none of these categories can be market by definition.

Slovenia will remain polarised, whatever Jansa’s fate

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
European Council ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Government ◽  
Council Presidency ◽  
The Eu

Significance The government led by the Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS) is under mounting pressure as Slovenia prepares to take over the European Council presidency. This is due mainly to hostility in parliament and society to Prime Minister Janez Jansa, who promotes a popular but divisive form of national conservatism. Impacts A successful no-confidence vote in the government followed by early elections would complicate Slovenia’s handling of its EU presidency. The fall of the current government and its replacement by the centre-left would improve Slovenia’s relations with the EU and United States. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban would lose an ally at EU level if Jansa lost office.

Austria: Phasing-Out Grand Coalition Government

2021 ◽  
pp. 41-80
Author(s):  
Wolfgang C. Müller
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Grand Coalition ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Coalition Politics ◽  
Underlying Principle ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War

Grand coalition government of the Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP and the Social Democratic Party (SPÖ) had been the hallmark of post-war Austria but the historic ‘grand coalition’ formula seems exhausted. The rationale for maintaining this cooperation vanished, electoral changes undermined the former duopoly of these parties, and party system changes brought new players into the game. Yet at the government level alternatives involving the Freedom Party (FPÖ) have proved unstable as in each case an FPÖ event brought down the government or prevented its renewal. The chapter shows how routine formateur-led processes of coalition formation resulting in anticipated outcomes contrast with a few instances which significantly deviate. Coalition governance is characterized by the use of an elaborated set of rules and instruments and great continuity over time and different types of coalition. Accordingly, the underlying principle of coalition politics has been the ‘coalition compromise’ model, with government policies to be largely agreed between the coalition partners. In practice, ministerial discretion tends to shift government policy output towards the model of ‘constrained ministerial government’. Most coalitions terminated early because of inter-party conflict.

Slovenia

2019 ◽  
pp. 475-521
Author(s):  
Alenka Krašovec ◽  
Tomaž Krpič
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Coalition Formation ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Dropping Out ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
Frequent Use ◽  
The Government

Under the proportional representation (PR) electoral system in Slovenia, after elections, coalition governments have formed. However, the coalition partners have also adopted a ‘dropping out from government’ strategy between elections, which in some cases has led to minority governments. This has occurred despite a frequent use of several conflict-prevention and conflict-resolution mechanisms. One such mechanism, coalition agreements, are mostly understood in terms of policy agreements. After each election in the period 1992–2000, the leading party, the LDS, signed a coalition agreement with each coalition partner. Since 2013, such coalition agreements include a mechanism of explicitly stating in coalition agreements that certain issues are to be avoided. Regardless, governments termination in majority cases happened due to different (policy or personal) conflicts within the government. Early in the period, government coalitions were ideologically mixed. This was characteristic for governments under LDS leadership from 1992 to 2004, while after the 2004 elections, the governmental coalitions were much more ideologically homogenous. Alternation between like-minded ideological coalitions (centre-left or centre-right) took place. Simultaneously, the main lines of conflict changed. In the 1990s, initially a mostly ideological cleavage between ‘transformed’ and ‘newly established’ political parties was present, while after the 2004 elections, the economic cleavage became more salient. All parliamentary parties, except the Slovenian National Party, have at least briefly participated in governments, while the Democratic Party of Retired Persons have been since the mid-1990s the party with the biggest coalition potential. Since 2011, small parties have received pivotal roles in coalition formation. Generally speaking, participation in the government has not been electorally rewarding for the political parties.

Alfabeticemos! Let’s Teach Literacy!

2020 ◽  
pp. 63-104
Author(s):  
Deborah Shnookal
Keyword(s):  
Education Reform ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Participatory Democracy ◽  
Next Generation ◽  
Literacy Campaign ◽  
Parents And Children ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Hearts And Minds

The Cuban revolutionary government prioritized education reform as the key to lifting the country out of underdevelopment and creating a new political culture of participatory democracy, epitomized by the 1961 literacy campaign. Fidel Castro’s opponents, however, regarded this campaign as evidence of the “communist indoctrination” by the government of young Cubans and were therefore determined to “save” as many children as possible by sending them to Miami until Castro was ousted. This chapter takes a detailed look at how the battle for the hearts and minds of the next generation unfolded with the mobilization of 100,000 teenagers as literacy brigadistas to teach in the mountains and remote parts of the island. It examines the objectives of the campaign, the recruitment propaganda used to mobilize the Conrado Benítez brigades, how the campaign affected relations between parents and children, and the impact that participation in the campaign had on a generation of revolutionary youth.

Changing relations among the government, labor, and business in Japan after the oil crisis

1988 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 659-687 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ikuo Kume
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Liberal Democratic Party ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Wage Bargaining ◽  
Oil Crisis ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Wage Increases

Many scholars argue that labor is excluded from Japan's political system. However, since the 1970s, labor has become considerably influential in the policymaking process in Japan. The oil crisis of 1973 and the Shuntou wage bargaining of 1975 have made labor, especially private-sector unions, modest in their wage demands, but at the same time these events have made labor participate actively in the policymaking process in order to maintain employment and seek some benefits from the government. This article demonstrates that Japan's increasing export-dependence and tradeoffs between wage increases on the one hand, and inflation and unemployment on the other in the 1970s, have driven labor to this new, more active role in policymaking, while the necessity for the governing Liberal Democratic party to seek a new constituency has enabled labor to achieve some success in this new role. This implies that Japan's political system has changed its nature since the 1970s; its political process has become more pluralistic with labor's participation within the existing political system.

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