Digital Occupation: Gaza's High-Tech Enclosure

2012 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helga Tawil-Souri
Keyword(s):  
Gaza Strip ◽  
High Tech ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
Digital Space ◽  
Telecommunications Sector ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
And Control ◽  
Dependent Agents ◽  
Telecommunications Company

In disengaging from the Gaza Strip in 2005, Israel did not end the occupation but technologized it through purportedly “frictionless” hightechnology mechanisms. The telecommunications sector was turned over to the Palestinian Authority under Oslo II and subcontracted to Palestine Telecommunications Company (PALTEL), furthering a neoliberal economic agenda that privately “enclosed” digital space. Coming on top of Israel's ongoing limitations on Palestinian land-lines, cellular, and Internet infrastructures, the result is a “digital occupation” of Gaza characterized by increasing privatization, surveillance, and control. While deepening Palestinian economic reliance on Israel and making Palestinian high-tech firms into dependent agents, digital occupation also enhances Israel's territorial containment of the Strip.

Rising Cost of Occupation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Assaf Razin
Keyword(s):  
Global Economy ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
Second Intifada ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Political Units ◽  
Israeli Economy

Since 1967 when Israel when the West Bank and Gaza Strip occupation begun, there has been increasingly taxing social-economic effects on Israel. The second uprising broke out after the collapse of the OSLO agreements, in the early 2002. The Israeli economy was hit twice. It was first hit by the dotcom crash in the US; second, by the 2000-2005 Palestinian . The drastic effects on the Palestinian economy which shortly after split in to two political units (the West bank, controlled by the Palestinian Authority, and the Gaza Strip controlled by Hamas). Especially the Gaza strip economy got down to the level of humanitarian crisis. that the early 2000s shock had relatively small effect on the long-term trajectory of Israel's real GDP. The effect on the Israeli economy of the second Intifada shock was mild, and short-lived. globalization proved to be a “shield” against the Palestinian-Israeli military conflicts and regional trade obstacles for the Israeli economy. This means, that the Israeli economy is exposed, however, to alarming long run risks. If, and when, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and the long occupation of the of the West Bank territory would trigger political conflicts between Israel and its trade-and-finance partners, this “shield”, provided by Israel high level of integration with the global economy, may break down.

The Politics of International Aid to the Gaza Strip

2012 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 32-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamer Qarmout ◽  
Daniel Béland
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Humanitarian Aid ◽  
International Aid ◽  
The Political ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
Legislative Council ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The Gaza Strip

International aid to the Palestinian Authority is conditioned in part on democratization and good governance. However, since Hamas's victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council elections and its takeover of the Gaza Strip, aid agencies have supported the international boycott of the Hamas government. This article argues that aid agencies, by operating in Gaza while boycotting its government, subvert their mandates and serve the political interests of donors and the PA rather than the humanitarian and development needs of Gazans. As a consequence, assistance has, inadvertently and unintentionally, increased Gazans' dependence on humanitarian aid, impeded economic development, and enabled Israel to maintain its occupation and the blockade of Gaza.

Fieldnotes from Jerusalem and Gaza, 2009–2011

2012 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-114
Author(s):  
Elena N. Hogan
Keyword(s):  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Humanitarian Aid ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
And Control ◽  
East Jerusalem

Written by a humanitarian aid worker moving back and forth between the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem over a two-year period (May 2009–June 2011), the observations in these “fieldnotes” highlight the two areas as opposite sides of the same coin. Israel “withdrew” from Gaza and annexed East Jerusalem, but both are subject to the same degree of domination and control: by overt violence in Gaza, mainly by regulation in East Jerusalem.

Israel and the Palestinian Authority: Jurisdiction and Legal Assistance

1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 318-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Celia Wasserstein Fassberg
Keyword(s):  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Political Control ◽  
Legal Assistance ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
Military Installation ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
The Military

The Cairo Agreement on the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area, signed on May 4, 1994, seeks to implement the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self Government Arrangements signed in Washington on September 13, 1993 and, in particular, to put into effect its Protocol on Withdrawal of Israeli Forces from Gaza and the Jericho Area. The primary purpose of the Agreement is then to transfer territory from Israel to the Palestinian Authority. Article V of the Agreement defines this territory as covering the Gaza Strip and Jericho, excluding the Settlements and the Israeli military installation area. The transfer of territory is naturally accompanied by a transfer of legal and political control from the Military Government to the Palestinian Authority. But the Agreement does not simply assign to the Palestinian Authority all legislative, executive and judicial functions within the territory transferred to its control.

scholarly journals Conflict and cooperation in the age of COVID-19: the Israeli–Palestinian case

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lior Lehrs
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
Government Relations ◽  
Conflict And Cooperation ◽  
Global Pandemic ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Disaster Event ◽  
The Impact

Abstract How do disasters influence conflict and diplomacy in conflict areas? The scholarship shows that while they can provide opportunities for cooperation and ‘disaster diplomacy’ between parties to a conflict, they can also intensify tension and hostility. This article uses the Israeli–Palestinian conflict during the COVID-19 pandemic as a case study, exploring the impact of the crisis on relations between the rival parties and examining the conditions under which an ongoing pandemic might lead to either conflict or cooperation in a conflict area. The research is based on within-case analysis, comparing three conflict arenas: Israel–Palestinian Authority relations in the West Bank; relations between Israel and the Palestinian community in East Jerusalem; and Israel–Hamas government relations in the Gaza strip. The article outlines the possibilities and limitations of ‘disaster diplomacy’ in intractable conflicts and contributes to the literature by identifying how different contexts, relations and actors in each conflict arena affect the development of patterns of conflict and cooperation with regard to the pandemic. The study analyses the factors that shape how the pandemic affects the conflict, and the COVID-19-related diplomacy, in each sub-case, with attention to three main variables: the structure of the conflict arena, domestic politics and the developments in the pandemic. The analysis addresses the unique conditions of an ongoing global pandemic, as opposed to an isolated disaster event, and traces the changing impact of the pandemic on the conflict and on disaster-related cooperation at various stages.

scholarly journals Detection of Poliovirus Circulation by Environmental Surveillance in the Absence of Clinical Cases in Israel and the Palestinian Authority

1999 ◽  
Vol 37 (6) ◽  
pp. 1670-1675 ◽  
Author(s):  
Y. Manor ◽  
R. Handsher ◽  
T. Halmut ◽  
M. Neuman ◽  
A. Bobrov ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Wild Type Virus ◽  
Type Virus ◽  
Environmental Surveillance ◽  
Wild Type ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
Afp Surveillance ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Vaccination Campaigns

The global eradication of poliomyelitis, believed to be achievable around the year 2000, relies on strategies which include high routine immunization coverage and mass vaccination campaigns, along with continuous monitoring of wild-type virus circulation by using the laboratory-based acute flaccid paralysis (AFP) surveillance. Israel and the Palestinian Authority are located in a geographical region in which poliovirus is still endemic but have been free of poliomyelitis since 1988 as a result of intensive immunization programs and mass vaccination campaigns. To monitor the wild-type virus circulation, environmental surveillance of sewage samples collected monthly from 25 to 30 sites across the country was implemented in 1989 and AFP surveillance began in 1994. The sewage samples were processed in the laboratory with a double-selective tissue culture system, which enabled economical processing of large number of samples. Between 1989 and 1997, 2,294 samples were processed, and wild-type poliovirus was isolated from 17 of them in four clusters, termed “silent outbreaks,” in September 1990 (type 3), between May and September 1991 (type 1), between October 1994 and June 1995 (type 1), and in December 1996 (type 1). Fifteen of the 17 positive samples were collected in the Gaza Strip, 1 was collected in the West Bank, and 1 was collected in the Israeli city of Ashdod, located close to the Gaza Strip. The AFP surveillance system failed to detect the circulating wild-type viruses. These findings further emphasize the important role that environmental surveillance can play in monitoring the eradication of polioviruses.

Responsibility for the Protection of Human Rights under the Interim Israeli-Palestinian Agreements

1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 297-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eyal Benvenisti
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Gradual Transition ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
The West ◽  
Military Installations ◽  
Protection Of Human Rights ◽  
Peace Settlement ◽  
The Gaza Strip

The Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles of September 13, 1993 (the “DOP”), which establishes the framework for the settlement of the conflict between the parties, sets the stage for a gradual transition towards a peace settlement, or the “permanent status” as referred to in the DOP. The interim arrangements outlined in the DOP provide for a step-by-step assumption of responsibilities by Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The Agreement on the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area, signed in Cairo on May 4, 1994, prescribes at length the arrangements for the first steps to be taken towards that goal. During the period of the interim arrangements, the Gaza Strip (excluding Israeli settlements and military installations) and the “Jericho Area” are to be administered by a “Palestinian Authority” (PA), a body established under the Cairo Agreement, which is distinct from the PLO.

scholarly journals Visual symptoms and control of the Red Palm Weevil (Rhynchophorus ferrugineus) in the Gaza Strip, Palestine

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 322-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
ABDEL FATTAH N. ABD RABOU ◽  
EQBAL S. RADWAN
Keyword(s):  
Date Palm ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Rhynchophorus Ferrugineus ◽  
Red Palm Weevil ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
Control Techniques ◽  
Visual Symptoms ◽  
Palm Weevil ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
And Control

Abd Rabou AN, Radwan ES. 2017. Visual symptoms and control of the Red Palm Weevil (Rhynchophorus ferrugineus) in the Gaza Strip, Palestine. Nusantara Bioscience 9: 322-329. The Red Palm Weevil – RPW (Rhynchophorus ferrugineus Olivier) (Coleoptera: Curculionidae) has recently become one of the most destructive pests of Date Palms in the Gaza Strip and the Middle East. It is a serious pest threatening the Date Palm health and production, with the larva is the most destructive stage. The current study aims at introducing the visual symptoms and control techniques of the RPW in the Gaza Strip, Palestine. Field surveys and institutional visits were applied to fulfill the purpose of the study. The current study documented that first local infestation of Date Palm trees with the RPW was discovered in late 2011. The introduction of infected offshoots from Egypt through earth tunnel trade and the ability of the adult RPW to fly long distance and cross borders seem to be main causes of the local infestations with the pest. Different control techniques have been adopted by the responsible parties to combat the RPW; with the integrated pest management (IPM) program was tracked and respected. Finally, the study recommends the cooperation of different parties and authorities to adopt appropriate policies to eliminate the RPW and to support farmers with the necessary pesticides and equipment to control this painful pest.

scholarly journals Planning in the Face of Power. Experiencing Power Dimensions in a Visioning Process in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-52
Author(s):  
Katharina Gugerell ◽  
Stefan Netsch
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Dark Side ◽  
Planning History ◽  
The West ◽  
Power Struggles ◽  
Protracted Conflict ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
And Control

This article reflects on dimensions of power that occurred in visioning workshops with different stakeholder in the West Bank and in the Gaza Strip. The overall argument developed in the article is that the visioning process—especially signs of spatial and institutional dimensions of power—occurred in both cases in a rather similar way, even though the conditions for planning and visioning are significantly different in the West Bank and in the Gaza Strip. The visioning process illustrated that planning indeed shows signs of mediating space and power. Those power struggles are deeply rooted in the Palestinian planning history, the long-standing separation between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank and the protracted conflict between Israel and Palestine. Experiencing oneself the ‘dark side of planning’ makes clear that planning is not benign and that planning can be a powerful tool for either progressive, pluralistic practices or oppressive ones, as means of regulation and control.

Fatah: Mythific Ation of A Non-state: Critique of the Idea of State

2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-79
Author(s):  
Philip Rizk
Keyword(s):  
Private Property ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
Governing Body ◽  
Social Landscape ◽  
The World ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Spatial Entity

Founded in 1964, the PLO created a space for Palestinians on the world map of liberation struggles. This initially liminal project went through a period of institutionalization during which its vision became one of nation-statist liberation. The PLO thus engaged in a project with a prescribed outcome, entailing a Euro-centric-inspired vocabulary, employing required terminological elements of territoriality and private property, and instituting norms regarding the utility of violence. I argue that this, in turn, placed the Palestinians in a position of submission and weakness. My thesis is that the resulting trajectory of resistance prevented the PLO from carrying out its battle outside the rubric provided by the very hegemonic powers it initially sought to oppose. To these ends, I use the discursive spatial entity of the Gaza Strip as a case study through which to critique the idea of the nation-state. I assess the re-fashioning of the constructed geographic entity's political and social landscape under the governance of the Fatah -dominated Palestinian Authority. My argument is that the transformation of Fatah, from liberation struggle to governing body ostensibly deemed “legitimate,” has prevented the movement from thinking and acting in the framework of liberation. Instead, it led to the submission of the Palestinians to globally-sanctioned paradigms of nation-statism, which deeply undermine their struggle.

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