scholarly journals The COVID-19 Post-lockdown Italian Scenario from an Eco-Socio-Legal Perspective

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 99-116
Author(s):  
Fabio Ratto Trabucco ◽  

This paper offers an analysis of the possible COVID-19 post-lockdown effects on the powerful factors that constitute the Italian national interest. The interdisciplinary perspective, being at the base of this study, considers a scenario characterized by three factors: time, budgetary policy, and communication. Since the social post-lockdown crisis began, Italy has been facing a problem of social justice in terms of participation, which is absent for now, especially in the political framework. The policy proposals should take account of unpopular decisions, whereas from a legal and geopolitical perspective it is necessary to have a more defined foreign policy, a clearer Italian positioning concerning international alliances with national interest as a reference point.

1999 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miroslav Nincic

This article discusses possible interpretations of the concept of national interest, with a view to providing a conception more analytically useful than those that have dominated the literature. It argues against the two most prevalent approaches. The first, most obviously represented by political realism, relies on a single overarching assumption that both encompasses the national interest and provides a standard for assessing how successfully it is pursued. The second, identifies a finite set of national objectives which, by possessing a large measure of the formal attributes by which the national interest is defined, are considered its proper subsets. While both approaches have their virtues, each is flawed as a method for establishing correspondence between policy and interest. The approach proposed here relies on a different principle altogether—the nature of the political procedure via which judgments about the link between foreign policy and national interest are made. The article argues that our ability to judge whether a policy does serve the national interest is intimately connected to how democratic the decision behind the policy is.


2005 ◽  
Vol 35 (138) ◽  
pp. 131-148
Author(s):  
Dieter Boris ◽  
Ingo Malcher

Starting from the deep financial and economic crisis, which took place in Argentina towards the end of 2001, the political, economical and societal reconstruction phases up to early 2005 are briefly summarized. Especially the government of Kirchner - in office since May 2003 - set new priorities in several fields of politics, e.g. human rights, the attitude towards the IMF and the foreign creditors, as well as foreign policy. Many structural elements and legacies of the neoliberal era, however, are still very present even three years after the collapse. In spite of the high growth rates in the last two years the reconstruction process has to be qualified as fragile and reversible. Compared to 2002 the social movements appear mainly weakened today. Whether the Kirchner government will succeed in establishing a more social and law abiding type of capitalism, remains to be seen, since a durable change of power relations in favour of progressive forces has not been realized.


Book Reviews: The New Cambridge Modern History. Vol. V, The Ascendancy of France, 1648–88, Theories of History, An Immortal Commonwealth: The Political Thought of James Harrington, The City, Religion and Economic Action, Radicalism and the Revolt against Reason. The Social Theories of George Sorel, Genesis and Structure of Society, The Social Philosophy of Giovanni Gentile, Catholics and the Free Society: An Australian Symposium, Politics and the Novel, The Legal Conscience, Oxford Essays in Jurisprudence, Essays in Constitutional Law, Perception, Understanding and Society, War and the Christian Conscience: How Shall Modern War Be Conducted Justly?, The Cold War and its Origins, 1917–1960, New Dimensions in Foreign Policy, The Professional Soldier, Development from Below: Local Government and Finance in Developing Countries of the Commonwealth, Dutch Organized Agriculture in International Politics, Trade Union Democracy in Western Europe, Trade Union Officers, The Emergence of Modern Turkey, Israel and the Palestine Arabs, The Political Philosophy of Jawaharlal Nehru, The Quintessence of Nehru, Indian Socialism, The Foundations of Freedom, Modern Swedish Government, The Transformation of Russian Society, Power and Policy in the U.S.S.R., The Soviet Cultural Offensive, Everyman's Concise Encyclopaedia of Russia, Settling Disputes in Soviet Society: The Formative Years of Legal Institutions, The Federalist: A Classic on Federalism and Free Government, Journey to America, The Age of Roosevelt: Vol. III: The Politics of Upheaval, Congress versus the Supreme Court, 1957–1960, U.S. Senators and Their World, The Decline of American Pluralism, The Necessity for Choice. Prospects of American Foreign Policy, Spain and Defense of the West: Ally and Liability, The United States and the South-West Pacific, The Struggle for Penal Reform, The Crusade Against Capital Punishment in Great Britain, H. M. Hyndman and British Socialism, A Short History of the Labour Party, Parliamentary Socialism: A Study in the Politics of Labour, The Bored Electors, Television and the Political Image

1962 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-113
Author(s):  
W. R. Ward ◽  
S. I. Benn ◽  
W. H. Greenleaf ◽  
Brian Rodgers ◽  
John Erös ◽  
...  

ZBORNIK MES ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Slobodan Petrović ◽  
Andrija Blanuša

The political-legal perspective of the development of the republics of the former SFRY can be obtained by a precise analysis of political developments in the former SFRY, viewed from the legal aspect, and under the influence of domestic and international factors that create a political reality in each individual republic. Building and taking care of a healthy, institutionally solid, legally dignified political system of one state is a challenge for every government, and therefore the government is a creator of an image of the political system, but also of innovative, economic, diplomatic, economic activity, which in many ways determines the level of democracy, the standard of living , the degree of political culture, constitutional and legal progress, the development of local self-government, and thus forms the image of a given society viewed through the lens of the political system. After its creation, the SFRY was a supranational state, with a federal political system, formed on the ruins of the outdated monarchist form of government, it had the futuristic contours of a real reality and, per its ideological concept, was significantly ahead of the time in which it existed. It was a symbol of sociological progress, synonymous with concepts that modern authors of political-legal thought today call cosmopolitanism. In this paper a comparative method of research will be applied, and based on it, will be presented the key determinants that define the social situation in the republics of the SFRY today, altogether with the proposals for the implementation of positive experiences, as well as the proposals for overcoming the potential difficulties of certain republics that they are facing today, considering that they have successfully overcome other similar obstacles.


Refleksi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thoriqul Aziz ◽  
Ahmad Zainal Abidin ◽  
Muthmainnatun Nafiah

This article discusses the relevance of Hamka's thought in Tafsir al-Azhar pertaining to global issues in modern life. Hamka is an Indonesian Muslim scholar who is well recognized. He is a modernist interpreter who writes his tafsir in Indonesian. With a descriptive-analytical method, this study reveals the contribution of Hamka's thinking in the three most challenging global domains in Muslim scholarship on issues of social justice, gender equality and religious plurality. From his thoughts it can be concluded: First, in the realm of social justice; according to Hamka, all humans have the same rights and degrees in the social and legal perspective. Second, in the realm of gender equality; men and women have equal right and there is no difference in the realm of humanity. Third, in the realm of religious plurality, Hamka believes that there is plurality in diversity. Therefore, tolerance is a necessity for every human being. The three themes carried by Hamka are based on the teachings of Islam that are very concerned about human values. Hamka's interpretation above confirms the teachings of Islam which are apropriate for all times.


Author(s):  
Simona A. Grano

This chapter deals with the political repercussions of popular discontent towards several secondary issues in Taiwan prompting a mainstream political formation like the DPP to revert to its early pro-environmental and social justice rhetoric to attract voters for the 2016 electoral tournament; several activists and academics that trace their origins to the social movements’ galaxy were drafted by the DPP upon winning the elections. The aim of this chapter is to verify whether four years later concrete results have been achieved or whether the activists have become quieter after joining the ruling party. This chapter consolidates research on interactions and conflicts between the state trying to exert more influence across several fields and newly emerging/wellestablished social movements under the Ma Ying-jeou and Tsai Ing-wen administrations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Facundo Giuliano

This essay is based on a question that seeks to find a critical deepening around the investigation of a type of rationality that inhabits modern education and that in our research we have chosen to call evaluative reason. The Deleuzian reflection on the control societies, subsidiary of Foucault’s notion of disciplinary societies, will be a phagocyte reference point to introduce us to the question of this type of rationality that, as we analyze here, also harbors characteristics of the so-called pastoral power in intimate relationship with the contemporary configurations of capitalism. It will be offered a provisional definition of the evaluative reason, in the light of the own analyzes that involve notions such as those of discipline, technologies of government, normalization and biopolitics–which we will rethink here–to advance in a more complex look that relates the ethical, the political, the social, and the economic, with the philosophical-educational, aspects of our approach as a way of approaching the nexus that this rationality sketches between education and the current control societies. In this way, the evaluative reason will open up as an ethical-political problem that is fundamental to address since: a) it has been historically configured in such a way that it crosses and bases practices, technologies and devices; b) with more and more subtle vigilance and increasingly justified sanctions in their “pedagogical” eagerness, it stands between monitoring and calculation that reduce all power of otherness; c) it has a racist dimension whose versatility allows it to move between normalization and normation; d) it helps multiply the market model by setting procedures that place the subject as a self-entrepreneur. Finally, the lines of this analysis hope to become clues to elucidate new forms of resistance and re-existence against the contemporary evaluative compulsion.


Author(s):  
Fabrizio Vielmini

After almost 30 years of rule by Nursultan Nazarbayev, Kazakhstan is going through a sensitive phase of power transition. Since the "multi-vector" diplomacy of these years represents one of the best legacies of the first President, policy-makers would leave as untouched as possible the sphere of foreign policy. At the same time, a crisis of legitimacy following the Presidential elections together with a number of trends which are changing the social and ethno-demographic structure of the population will also put into question some traditional lines of the country’s diplomacy. This will add to the challenges to which the political class will have to provide innovative responses in order to preserve the stability of the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-284
Author(s):  
Lorenzo MECHI

Although the ECSC and the EEC were originally endowed with a narrow social di­mension, in the 1950s references to both Communities as promoters of social jus­tice were rather common in the European Parliament, especially in the speeches of Christian Democratic and Socialist members. In the following years, the progres­sive implementation of the social legislation of the two treaties, the first discus­sions on the launch of a regional policy, and the signing of the first association agreements with third countries, contributed to further spreading the idea of a pecu­liar European sensitivity to solidarity, fairness and inclusion. Widely shared in the European Parliament from the late 1960s, the perception of the Community as a natural bearer of social justice soon began to also permeate the statements of the other institutions, and was then formalized by the Declaration on European Identity approved by the Copenhagen summit of December 1973. From that moment on, the idea of social justice as a guiding principle of the entire European project was echoed in all solemn occasions, to be finally inserted in the founding treaties in 1986 by the Single European Act.


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