scholarly journals Taiwan: from Self-Determination to Negotiating Identities?

2001 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rima Sondaitė-Van Soest

This paper sets out to explore how the alternative conceptualizations of national identity influence the interpretation of the national self-determination principle in Taiwan. It will be argued that major disagreements about the application of the self-determination principle to Taiwan reflect the political priorities of different ethnic groups. An analysis of the political importance of historical imaginations is performed to demonstrate the ways the visions of the nation are endorsed and contested. It is concluded that the overlapping nationalities (Chinese and Taiwanese) and the lack of consensus in Taiwan inhibit the principle of the self-determination being put into political practice.

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (41) ◽  
Author(s):  
Raquel Varela ◽  
Roberto Della Santa Barros

Com muita frequência é possível encontrar análises sobre a história europeia do séc. XX que não passam de justificações ideológicas do tempo presente, seja a partir de pressupostos a orbitar Washington ou premissas irradiadas desde Moscou, isso para não mencionar as teses pós-modernas ou neoconservadoras. Argumentamos nesse artigo que, para retomar a iniciativa e a luta pela autodeterminação dos trabalhadores e povos europeus, é preciso, também, uma nova escrita da história europeia recente. Nada disso é possível sem levar em conta a tradição intelectual e o movimento político que tem lugar a partir do legado de Karl Marx.Palavras-chave: Marx; Europa; história social; autodeterminação. Abstract −It is often possible to find analyses of 20th-century European history that are no more than ideological justifications of the present, whether asserting assumptions from Washington or premises from Moscow, not to mention postmodern or neoconservative theses. We argue in this article that in order to resume the initiative and struggle for the self-determination of European workers and peoples, a new writing of recent European history is also required. None of this is possible without taking into account the intellectual tradition and the political movement that emerged from the legacy of Karl Marx.Keywords: Marx; Europe; social history; self-determination.


Author(s):  
Uradyn E. Bulag

This article invokes a Chinese political concept of ‘sinicization’, aiming to capture the nature of ethnic relations in China historically, and the political fate of ethnic groups in contemporary China. Sinicization has powerful genealogical and governmental dimensions; it is not primarily an ‘acculturation’ process as it is understood generally. Sinicization may not kill people directly, but it murders the non- Chinese sense of genealogical differences and their polities. The discussion concludes that sinicization has made a remarkable success in the PRC more than at any other time in Chinese history. Chinese policies have been directed at destroying the possibility that non-Chinese national identity might have any political meaning, at destroying the minorities' capacity to think and engage in politics independently as sovereign ethnic groups.


2019 ◽  
pp. 119-154
Author(s):  
Anna Stilz

This chapter extends the political autonomy theory of self-determination by responding to a variety of challenges. Is collective self-determination possible in a modern mass society, where citizens have (and can only have) a negligible influence over political decisions? How do we define the “self” in self-determination? Does self-determination require democratic governance or is it compatible with nondemocratic arrangements? Does self-determination apply only to overseas dependencies or also to internal minorities? How does it cohere with other international principles, such as territorial integrity? It also contrasts the political autonomy theory with two alternatives: the liberal nationalist theory and the peoplehood theory.


2005 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gungwu Wang

AbstractThousands of Chinese outside China have been writing in Chinese and other languages since the past century. Some wrote merely to record their personal experiences. Others wrote to express their thoughts and feelings. We are beginning to have some idea of the aspirations and limitations of these writers and their struggles to define their place in their respective communities and countries, and in the larger world of literature. Each writer is a Self with regard to his or her immediate migrant community. As a member of the community, the writer is likely to have a different Self in relation to other ethnic groups in the adopted country, especially toward the dominant majority that has the political power to define national identity for all minorities. An additional Other would be the images of China. Also, some submit themselves to the test of globalization. Their condition can be better understood through the old Chinese dichotomy of nei and wai, with many dimensions of what is within and what is without. This dichotomy of within-without allows us to recognize the dilemmas of overseas Chinese writers as subjective and dynamic phenomena.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Torrey Shanks

This essay considers self-ownership as a rhetorical and political practice. Scholarly attention to the rhetoric of self-ownership, notably in feminist theory, often rejects the term for its capacity to distort and fragment notions of the self, the body, social relations, and labor. The ambiguous character of self-ownership, in this view, carries the risk of subversion of more inclusive and relational uses. Adopting a broader notion of rhetoric as creative and effective speech, I recast self-ownership from this critical depiction through a revised understanding of C. B. Macpherson’s possessive individualism and then to the texts of John Locke, the Levellers, and the Putney Debates. These early-modern exemplars offer insights into the political promises and risks of the rhetoric of self-ownership that contemporary critics obscure. The ambiguity and plurality too often rendered as a liability for self-ownership instead offer conditions for its agonistic invocation for novel claims and emerging audiences.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-401
Author(s):  
Egdūnas Račius

Abstract The article focuses on the relation between the socio-legal status of national Orthodox Churches and their role in the legal, institutional and social ‘othering’ of Islam and ethnic groups of Muslims in three Balkans countries, namely, Bulgaria, North Macedonia and Serbia. The research reveals that the state-pursued construction of national identity and politics of belonging are expressly permeated by ethno-confessional nationalism, which is at the core of the deep-running tensions between the dominant ethnic group and the marginalized Muslims. There is an alliance between the political and the Church elites to keep ethnic groups of Muslim background either altogether outside the ‘national Us’ or at least at its outer margins.


2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 441-456 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susanna Rabow-Edling

For nearly a century, the contrast between a cultural and a political form of nationalism has been upheld. In the early twentieth century, Fredrich Meinecke made a distinction between the political nation, or Staatsnation, based on a common political history and a shared constitution, and the cultural nation, Kulturnation, based on a shared cultural heritage. The most important distinction between the two is that while membership in the former is voluntary, membership in the cultural nation is a matter not of choice, but of common objective identity. Meinecke maintained that political nationalism derived from the spirit of 1789, i.e. from the idea of the self-determination and sovereignty of the nation. Cultural nationalism, in contrast, was a striving for national individuality, characteristic of anti-Enlightenment German thought.


New Sound ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 35-51
Author(s):  
Mirjana Zakić ◽  
Sanja Ranković

Ethnomusicological and ethnochoreological research of the central part of Kosovo and Metohija has been conducted since the late 19th century up to the present. However, the gathered data are sparse and provide insufficient (and only partial) information regarding the music and dance tradition of this area. This fact was the main motive for arranging our own field trip to the region, during 2015 and 2016. The recorded material and numerous informants' narratives provided an important insight into the state of both previous and contemporary music and dance practice, enabling one to examine the transformations regarding music and dance that have taken place since the 1990s from several viewpoints: national and multinational, professional and amateur, local and regional. The causes of the changes that have occurred over the course of the last few decades, will be discussed in this paper through the political, ideological, sociological, and cultural prism. Thus, our attention will focus particularly on the national ensembles Shota (Pristina) and Venac (Gračanica), as well as on the local repertoire of different ethnic groups - Serbian, Albanian, Romani and Croatian, in former and contemporary conditions. An especially intriguing question is to what extent, and in what ways did geopolitical restructuring and cultural evaluations in the post-socialist period influence the sustainability, i.e. the change in music and dance forms, as important aspects of the self-representation of the ethnicities that exist in this region?


2009 ◽  
pp. 175-182
Author(s):  
Anatolii M. Kolodnyi

In human history, religion manifests its social presence and functionality primarily through its national context. In doing so, it aims to form a meaningful idea of their national identity among representatives of certain ethnic groups, to protect it, because ignoring the latter leads to disorientation of a person in his or her social life, and even to social instability.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-25
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Bień ◽  
Anna Tarnowska ◽  
Wojciech Włoch

Democratic politics creates a specific ‘chain of representation’. According to Article 104 of the Polish Constitution, the MPs are the representatives of the entire Nation. The understanding of the “entire Nation” allows to determine whether national identity is open and inclusive, or closed and exclusive. One can distinguish two ideal types of a nation: heterogeneous and homogeneous. The first type is connected to the universalist understanding of “constitutional essentials”, the second to the particularistic one. In the paper, we pointed out the elements of heterogeneity in the text of Polish constitutions as well as the elements of homogeneity in the constitutional practice. Religion becomes an important factor influencing the interpretation and application of the constitution. The heterogeneous concept of the nation and the universalist “constitutional essentials” can be narrowed down in the political practice. The particularistic elements of the constitution and the homogenizing tendencies present in the application of the constitution might lead to polarization. In such a case, there would be a radical reinterpretation of the entire chain of delegation.


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