scholarly journals Factors of political culture in the structure of political environment of public policy

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 24-30
Author(s):  
O. V. Deliia

The macro-objective level of studying the political environment of state policy actualizes the comprehension of the political system in the structure of the external environment through the description of the category «political culture». In general, scientific understanding of the phenomenon of political culture has become a derivative of various research traditions. At the present stage, it is possible to identify several more or less formalized conceptual positions on this matter: subjective objective approaches, cultural and political doctrines.The essence of political culture unites the behavioral, activity aspects of subjects in the sphere of politics and the way the political system operates. Also, the notion of political culture captures the established system of values, norms, institutions, political consciousness that has developed historically, and the forms of political activity that correspond to it. At the same time, all these concepts, approaches have a point of intersection, which represents the main environmental feature of the phenomenon of political culture - universality, presence in one form or another in all spheres of social life.Domestic researchers recognize and underscore the importance of the influence of political culture on the whole complex of relations between the participants in the political process, the form of organization of state power, the form and effectiveness of the political system, the structure of institutions of power, the ability of political culture through its regulatory mechanisms to achieve social consensus, to promote or impede democratic development national state. At the same time, the problem of the environmental significance of political culture for public policy in foreign and domestic scientific discourses arises more theoretically than practical.In our case, the empirical basis for such a reflection was the information and analytical materials of the Razumkov Center «Political Culture and Parliamentarism in Ukraine: Current Status and Main Problems». Proceeding from this generalization, political culture in the structure of the political environment is a systematically organized integrity whose influence extends to its sphere components (mental, social, institutional, economic, etc.), Their interaction, the result of interaction. And finds its manifestation at all levels of society. The combination of these areas and their content is the conditions and factors of the public policy environment.

Author(s):  
Konstantine Shubitidze ◽  
Tornike Tevdoradze

Caucasus is one of the most popular region for the world in the political view. Three countries – Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan – are part of that region. Despite of the close ties between them and the neighborhood, they have political system similarities and differences as well.  In the paper, we will discuss and compare those three countries from different points of view: political regimes, types of government, number of ministries, economics, political culture, political parties in the parliament and demography. We will find out which country is much forward in these spares, what are their problems and perspectives, what their main political course is and how they interact to each other. In addition to that, we will also discuss and prove our statements by the statistical data of democracy level or political transparency. In addition, it will show some actual problems in the region to the reader and finally it will draw clear picture of the political environment in the region. Keywords: Political Regimes, Democracy, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Ministries, Government, Political Parties, Demography, Economy, Political Culture


1983 ◽  
Vol 77 (3) ◽  
pp. 690-703 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances Kahn Zemans

This article argues thai the role of the law in the political system has been construed much too narrowly. A review of the political science literature demonstrates an interest in the law that is largely confined to the making of new laws, social change, and social control. That view implies an acceptance of the legal profession's distinction between public and private law as a reasonable guide for political scientists in the study of law.A more interactive view of the law is presented, characterizing legal mobilization (invoking legal norms) as a form of political activity by which the citizenry uses public authority on its own behalf. Further, the legal system, structured to consider cases and controversies on an individual basis, provides access to government authority unencumbered by the limits of collective action. This form of public power, although contingent, is widely dispersed.Consideration of the factors that influence legal mobilization is important not only to understanding who uses the law, but also as predictors to the implementation of public policy; with very few exceptions, the enforcement of the laws depends upon individual citizens to initiate the legal process. By virtue of this dependence, an aggregation of individual citizens acting largely in their own interests strongly influences the form and extent of the implementation of public policy and thereby the allocation of power and authority.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 4-36
Author(s):  
Ihar Bortnik

The article is devoted to the analysis of the special character of the political culture in Polotsk Voivodship at the end of the 16th and the beginning of the 17th century. The research of these phenomena is based on the instructions for local parliaments (sejmiks) as a source base and provides for a distinction between three aspects: the attitude of the gentry towards the existing political system and its institutions; social and political values and norms of the gentry; the gentry’s response to decisions made by political institutions as well as its requirements and wishes towards the political system. The author has come to the conclusion that the political culture of the Polotsk gentry at the turn of the 16th and 17th century is characterized by high level of political activity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (11) ◽  
pp. 101-107
Author(s):  
O. O. Demyanenko

The article provides a comprehensive analysis of public deliberative discourse as one of the leading instruments for political modernization. The emphasis is placed on the fact that deliberative communication became possible in practical terms as a result of consolidation of postmodern as a world outlook. It is emphasized that deliberative discourse is a communicative act of equal members, aimed at achieving a compromise in the form of a concrete public decision. The author argues that deliberative discourse contributes to the strengthening of civil society, which, in turn, acts as a kind of trigger for political modernization. After all, the consolidated community is better aware of its own interests, properly formulates common requirements and communicates them to the state and other political institutions. Deliberation offers a new interpretation of rationality, legitimacy, publicity, etc. Public policy is a sphere of partnership interaction of public entities, including the state as a carrier of political power and civil society as a carrier of communication power. It is systematically proved that deliberative discourse has a complex effect on the political system, which is objectified at the level of its individual components. Political modernization is understood as the logical existential deployment of the political system, which states the dynamics and denies the static of the latter. In the course of a deliberative discourse, changes take place in the political consciousness of a citizen, emotional expressions turn into logical and rational beliefs. It is argued that inclusiveness, equality and transparency of deliberative measures allow a citizen to become an active actor of public policy, suggesting a new political culture. Changing values provokes a new way of action. Therefore, a delibearative political culture leads to a new format of political relations – cooperation. As a result, a number of changes take place at the institutional level (the public administration model and its tools are updated). That is how the paradigm of good governance is strengthened and the e-governance method is activated. Modernization measures at the level of political consciousness and culture, political relations and institutions with necessity lead to the improvement of the normative and legal basis for the functioning of the political sphere of public life.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (10) ◽  
pp. 113-119
Author(s):  
O. S. Tokovenko ◽  
O. A. Tretyak

The article examines the imperatives of applying contemporary political-theoretical intelligence to political knowledge and political truth. The limits of the contemporary political theory`s tasks are being set, which is gradually updated after the post-behavioral turn. The relativism of contemporary political knowledge associated, with the peculiarities of political activity is studied. The significance of the fundamental justifications` structure of the political existence of the present day is investigated. The influence of political doctrines, which has a claim not only on the correction of macro-political governance and the transformation of the life of society on certain ideological principles, but also of universal significance, is outlined. Hypotheses are put forward on political truth as part of the conceptual-categorical apparatus of modern political science, which allows conducting an examination of the concepts` correspondence and interaction between the political system and the global ecosystem. The significance of political epistemicity is determined in accordance with the priorities and criteria of effective political decisions. The distinction between politicization of ethnicity and ethnization of politics, which introduces an element of instability into political systems of countries of the world, is substantiated. Emphasized the importance of concept of political truth applying within contemporary theoretical discussions and political practice. The influence of the content establishing and the integrated value of political truth as a symbol and a real phenomenon in political science and political life of the modern world is considered. The peculiarities of evolutionary epistemology as a paradigm of ordering ideas about ways of obtaining a plausible political knowledge are studied. The specificity of political epistemism in the evolutionary-cultural context as a result of a long process of approbation of scientific and applied provisions is analyzed. The conditions of establishing possible and used connotations of the notion of truth in the modern scientific environment of political science are revealed. The processes of the constitution of political epistemology, as a subdiscipline, focused on the answers to the fundamental questions of contemporary political theory, are given attention.The main scientific-methodological and philosophical directions of interpretation of the concept of truth in relation to the main components of the political system and political process are considered. Established problems of finding the truth in modern political conditions characterized by variability and dynamism.New centers of authoritative substantiation, which can become only institutionalized scientific communities, research centers, association of expert centers on the local, regional, national and global level, are considered.The need to form an interdoclining and even deligative, based on the discussion and the open approval of political truth is analyzed. It is concluded that the epistemological dimension of political truth, focused on achieving reliable political knowledge on the basis of the intensive development of modern political theory, theoretical political knowledge goes through the improvement of the concept-categorical apparatus and previously established conceptual content.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Emad Wakaa Ajil

Iraq is one of the most Arab countries where the system of government has undergone major political transformations and violent events since the emergence of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and up to the present. It began with the monarchy and the transformation of the regime into the republican system in 1958. In the republican system, Continued until 2003, and after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the regime changed from presidential to parliamentary system, and the parliamentary experience is a modern experience for Iraq, as he lived for a long time without parliamentary experience, what existed before 2003, can not be a parliamentary experience , The experience righteousness The study of the parliamentary system in particular and the political process in general has not been easy, because it is a complex and complex process that concerns the political system and its internal and external environment, both of which are influential in the political system and thus on the political process as a whole, After the US occupation of Iraq, the United States intervened to establish a permanent constitution for the country. Despite all the circumstances accompanying the drafting of the constitution, it is the first constitution to be drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Iraqi Constitution adopted the parliamentary system of government and approved the principle of flexible separation of powers in order to achieve cooperation and balance between the authorities.


Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin

This book is an examination of Britain as a democratic society; what it means to describe it as such; and how we can attempt such an examination. The book does this via a number of ‘case-studies’ which approach the subject in different ways: J.M. Keynes and his analysis of British social structures; the political career of Harold Nicolson and his understanding of democratic politics; the novels of A.J. Cronin, especially The Citadel, and what they tell us about the definition of democracy in the interwar years. The book also investigates the evolution of the British party political system until the present day and attempts to suggest why it has become so apparently unstable. There are also two chapters on sport as representative of the British social system as a whole as well as the ways in which the British influenced the sporting systems of other countries. The book has a marked comparative theme, including one chapter which compares British and Australian political cultures and which shows British democracy in a somewhat different light from the one usually shone on it. The concluding chapter brings together the overall argument.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212096737
Author(s):  
Gianfranco Baldini ◽  
Edoardo Bressanelli ◽  
Emanuele Massetti

This article investigates the impact of Brexit on the British political system. By critically engaging with the conceptualisation of the Westminster model proposed by Arend Lijphart, it analyses the strains of Brexit on three dimensions developed from from Lijphart’s framework: elections and the party system, executive– legislative dynamics and the relationship between central and devolved administrations. Supplementing quantitative indicators with an in-depth qualitative analysis, the article shows that the process of Brexit has ultimately reaffirmed, with some important caveats, key features of the Westminster model: the resilience of the two-party system, executive dominance over Parliament and the unitary character of the political system. Inheriting a context marked by the progressive weakening of key majoritarian features of the political system, the Brexit process has brought back some of the traditional executive power-hoarding dynamics. Yet, this prevailing trend has created strains and resistances that keep the political process open to different developments.


1982 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 347-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Brovkin

AbstractContemporary scholarship on the development of the Soviet political system in the 1920s has largely bypassed the history of the Menshevik opposition. Those historians who regard NEP as a mere transition to Stalinism have dismissed the Menshevik experience as irrelevant,1 and those who see a democratic potential in the NEP system have focused on the free debates in the Communist party (CP), the free peasantry, the market economy, and the free arts.2 This article aims to revise some aspects of both interpretations. The story of the Mensheviks was not over by 1921. On the contrary, NEP opened a new period in the struggles over independent trade unions and elections to the Soviets; over the plight of workers and the whims of the Red Directors; over the Cheka terror and the Menshevik strategies of coping with Bolshevism. The Menshevik experience sheds new light on the transformation of the political process and the institutional changes in the Soviet regime in the course of NEP. In considering the major facets of the Menshevik opposition under NEP, I shall focus on the election campaign to the Soviets during the transition to NEP, subsequent Bolshevik-Menshevik relations, and the writings in the Menshevik underground samizdat press.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shamall Ahmad

The flaws and major flaws in the political systems represent one of the main motives that push the political elite towards making fundamental reforms, especially if those reforms have become necessary matters so that: Postponing them or achieving them affects the survival of the system and the political entity. Thus, repair is an internal cumulative process. It is cumulative based on the accumulated experience of the historical experience of the same political elite that decided to carry out reforms, and it is also an internal process because the decision to reform comes from the political elite that run the political process. There is no doubt that one means of political reform is to push the masses towards participation in political life. Changing the electoral system, through electoral laws issued by the legislative establishment, may be the beginning of political reform (or vice versa), taking into account the uncertainty of the political process, especially in societies that suffer from the decline of democratic values, represented by the processes of election from one cycle to another. Based on the foregoing, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between the Electoral and political system, in particular, tracking and studying the Iraqi experience from the first parliamentary session until the issuance of the Election Law No. (9) for the year (2020).


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