Political Economic Policy Related to the Illegal Mini Market: Existence in Tasikmalaya City

Author(s):  
Wiwi Widiastuti ◽  
Moh. Ali Andrias
Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin

This chapter is concerned with J.M. Keynes’s analysis of the rentier, the ‘functionless investor’ in Britain (and Europe) in the interwar years. Even though Keynes had no coherent idea of who the rentier was, he was central to Keynes’s economics and to his political sociology. The rentier was also essential to Keynes’s political-economic account of Europe in the 1920s and 1930s. Hence, Keynes was forced to a view that while the rentier remained unchained society would be based upon conflicting interests and social tensions. Such a view undermined Keynes’s original allegiances to the kind of Liberalism associated with the former Liberal prime minister, H.H. Asquith, and the argument Keynes sometimes presented, that economic policy was determined by an intellectual muddle, not warring interests. Asquithian Liberalism, however, depended on notions of political agreement and social harmony and that was, in practice, not something Keynes ever believed characterized modern capitalism.


Author(s):  
Mercy Widjaja

<p>This study analyzes the political motives behind China’s economic policy, known as One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiative. OBOR offers help to developing country, including Indonesia, to develop their infrastructure and domestic industries. This initiative can enlarge China's political power on the global scene, and pose a greater threat to the United States. To collect data and arguments about China's political and economic position, this study uses an explanative-qualitative method. Neorealism, hegemony stability, regionalism, and political economy are theories that are used to shape the thinking frameworks and to solve the existing problems. China also aims for greater power in the region, to secure the country’s interest. According to neorealism theory, a country's behavior is a manifestation of the country's interests and the only way to secure the country is by becoming a strong state. The stronger the state, the less chance that the country can be attacked. That means, China’s OBOR could also create conflict of interests with other countries.</p>


2020 ◽  
pp. 75-133
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Hewitt

This chapter argues that resistance to Hamiltonian finance was both an economic and literary critique. The familiar opposition between Hamiltonian finance and Jeffersonian agrarianism has put the stress on the rural setting—an emphasis that has led scholars to talk about economic policy with the literary term, “pastoralism.” This chapter argues that the importance of the pastoral to Jeffersonian writers is not found in agrarianism, but on the formal structure of simplification that is essential to pastoral poetics. This same imperative toward simplicity is also located in the eighteenth-century economic science that was crucial to the Jeffersonians: French physiocracy. The chapter explains the importance of physiocracy and pastoralism to the political-economic writing of Thomas Jefferson, George Logan, and John Taylor of Caroline.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayief Fathurrahman

One thing that needs to be understood is that every result of human thought is always historical, tied to the space and time around it. The economic policies issued by Umar ibn Khat}t}a>b, Umar ibn Abdul Azi>z and Ghazan Khan must have certain truths in accordance with the dimensions of space and the cycle of time. However, the form of policy is an effort to solve the problems of the State, especially the economic sector that occurred in the middle of their leadership period. This article aims to examine the political economic thought of three caliphs, namely Umar ibn Khat}t}a>b, Umar ibn Abdul Azi>z, and Ghazan Khan with a historical approach. Political economic policy decided by Umar ibn Khat}t}a>b, Umar ibn Abdul Azi>z, and Ghazan Khan has a character that is flexible. It means however its method, during its goal to create welfare for the people and not in conflict with al-Quran and al-Sunnah, then that policy is applied. This was apparent when some of their policies are not always same as Prophet’s policy, even differ from each other, but with that difference, the world has recorded them as a brilliant decision maker. The policy of the three caliphs teaches us the ultimate determinants of the economic policy of the meaning of welfare (mas}lah}ah) which form the basis of the formulation of one policy. Rigid economic system will only become a separate boomerang for economic growth itself. Because the true that the holy economic goal is not economic growth, but the welfare of mankind as perpetrators of economic activity in this hemisphere. Keywords: Islam, Economic-Politics, Flexible, Welfare


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-49
Author(s):  
Ridwan Arifin

The national and international economic development raises new problems besides the positive side of finance. International economic recession that has global impacts including in Indonesia presents its own challenges. One of the challenges faced is a serious impact on the fulfillment of economic and social rights. Various economic austerity measures were taken to maintain the country’s economic stability. One of the most controversial is the reduction of subsidies in the health, social security, trade and education sectors. The unemployment rate also increased as a direct impact of these economic policies. This paper analyzes the rights of human rights in Indonesian political economic policy both on a national and international scale. This paper compares and analyzes various cases of Indonesian economic policy with the basic principles of human rights, especially social, economic and cultural rights. Studies in this paper cover the areas of study of International Economic and Trade Law, Human Rights Law, and International Law. This paper highlighted that economic policies in the form of reducing subsidies and austerity measures undermine a wide range of human rights human rights frameworks.


Author(s):  
Robert J. Franzese ◽  
Karen Long Jusko

This article provides a survey of the theoretical and empirical work on political-economic cycles, such as cycles in economic outcomes induced by electoral and partisan competition. It also reviews the literature on electoral cycles and emphasizes how electoral context may heighten or limit incentives to electioneer. Another survey, which focuses on the theoretical and empirical literature linking economic policy to partisan electoral motivations, is provided as well.


1943 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter F. Drucker

Most people today mean not one but two things, when they speak of “Economic Policy”. Sometimes they mean the attainment of economic ends by means of political techniques: the “economic” concept of economic policy. Or again they mean the attainment of noneconomic, political ends by means of economic techniques: the “political” concept of economic policy. The first concept is the one the professional economist would be likely to use; and it is the only one current in economic theory. The other, the “political” concept, is that of practical politics today. It is not only war economics—whether of the Democracies or of the Nazis—that is based on a “political” economic policy but also many plans for the future such as, for instance, the Beveridge Report. For the “security” to which this and similar plans aspire, is not an economic concept but a political and social one; and it is “economic security” only because its realization is sought through economic means.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Waquar Ahmed

Neoliberal transformation is not simply a top-down process. Neoliberal hegemony at the global level has an ally in the Indian elite in producing class-biased economic growth at the national scale. This paper examines the social contestations around India's economic policy regime, its reproduction and transformation. It shows how the coercive power of global governance institutions has worked in tandem with the interest of the local elite to produce neoliberal changes in India. But class elites are not a homogeneous group. Fractures in class power affect the nature of political-economic change. Post-independence, the rural bourgeoisie, i.e., the quasi-feudal landlords and the medium-size landowners, at different stages of political-economic history, were the main social forces influencing economic policy, and the Tatas and Birlas, India's big business houses, were their urban counterparts. 1980s were witness to the rise of a “new breed of entrepreneurs” in India with foreign business collaborations, who have now emerged as the dominant class-relevant force, constantly nudging India in the neoliberal direction. Additionally, neoliberalism has the support of the Indian upper caste since the new economic regime has created avenues for re-assertion of upper-caste power. Thus, the Indian economic space continues to be contested through endogenous politico-democratic contestations, fractured and continually reorganizing class power, caste assertions, global policy discourses and coercive power of global governance institutions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (5) ◽  
pp. 594-612 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacqueline Best

AbstractWhile the last few decades of political economic history give the impression that the logic of neoliberalism is inexorable, this article argues that once we look further backwards and dig into recently declassified archives documenting the early days of neoliberal theory and practice, we find a messier picture. Economic policymakers in Thatcher and Reagan's administrations in the early 1980s did not set out to ‘fail forwards’ by generating a crisis that would enable a statist kind of neoliberalism. The key ideas that they drew on and the policies that they used to put them into practice sought to transform the economy indirectly, through a set of performative policy devices that they believed would generate a dramatic shift in people's inflationary expectations, lowering inflation without provoking a major recession. Archival records make it clear that these efforts were not only a failure, but also one that policymakers were acutely aware of at the time. By examining these quiet failures in economic policy, we can better understand how these governments simultaneously failed in their early efforts to introduce neoliberal economics and yet ultimately succeeded in transforming their economies in important respects – and in legitimising those transformations by narrating failure as a kind of inevitable success.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 156-167
Author(s):  
Ayief Fathurrahman

One thing that needs to be understood is that every result of human thought is always historical, tied to the space and time around it. The economic policies issued by Umar ibn Khat}t}a>b, Umar ibn Abdul Azi>z and Ghazan Khan must have certain truths in accordance with the dimensions of space and the cycle of time. However, the form of policy is an effort to solve the problems of the State, especially the economic sector that occurred in the middle of their leadership period. This article aims to examine the political economic thought of three caliphs, namely Umar ibn Khat}t}a>b, Umar ibn Abdul Azi>z, and Ghazan Khan with a historical approach. Political economic policy decided by Umar ibn Khat}t}a>b, Umar ibn Abdul Azi>z, and Ghazan Khan has a character that is flexible. It means however its method, during its goal to create welfare for the people and not in conflict with al-Quran and al-Sunnah, then that policy is applied. This was apparent when some of their policies are not always same as Prophet’s policy, even differ from each other, but with that difference, the world has recorded them as a brilliant decision maker. The policy of the three caliphs teaches us the ultimate determinants of the economic policy of the meaning of welfare (mas}lah}ah) which form the basis of the formulation of one policy. Rigid economic system will only become a separate boomerang for economic growth itself. Because the true that the holy economic goal is not economic growth, but the welfare of mankind as perpetrators of economic activity in this hemisphere.


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