scholarly journals The Political Discourse of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: Methodology and Research Prospects

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Ambroziak

This review analyses The Political Discourse of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: Terms and Ideas, a monograph written by Anna Grześkowiak-Krwawicz. The work describes the main concepts of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth’s political language between 1569 and 1795. The study is mostly based on political literature, i. e. theoretical treatises and works devoted to relevant issues of the political life of the state. The author makes an attempt to create her own methodological approach, which consists of describing the political discourse of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth by analysing its basic concepts, i. e. “Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth”, “law”, “freedom”, “forma mixta” and “separation of powers”, “consent”, “virtue”, “patriotism”, and “ancientry”. The scholar notes the small role that the concepts of “sovereignty”, “state”, and “property” played in political discourse. The reviewer compliments the wide range of literature used by the author and the high level of generalisations, due to which the work is a successful attempt at synthesising existing historiographic knowledge. At the same time, the reviewer points out further prospects for studying the issue: the application of a comparative approach, consideration of the context of ancient thought, analysis of differences in the political language in various parts of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the evolution of political discourse, as well as a significant expansion of the research base.

2017 ◽  
pp. 112-125
Author(s):  
K.V. Markov

The article is devoted to the study of a wide range of opinions about the Roman governor, contained in the works of Greek authors of 13 c. AD. The study concerns characteristics of the different forms of governors activities in the Greek lands, including a general assessment, as well as reviews of specific duties. The material not only reveals some aspects of the informal influence of the Roman officials in the political life of the Greek cities, the nature of relations between the governors and public figures, sophists, but also shows the specificity of the perception of their position, at least in the intellectual elite level. Analysis of political discourse reveals a number of topical issues in relations between the provincials and representatives of the Roman government, affecting the judicial sphere and forms and principles of communication between the center and the periphery. It has been concluded that the opinions and evaluations of the authors were determined by a set of objective and subjective factors, among which the important role played peculiarities of their social status.Статья посвящена исследованию широкого круга мнений о Римском правителе, содержащихся в работах греческих авторов 13 гг. н. э. Исследование касается особенностей различных форм деятельности губернаторов на греческих землях, включая общую оценку, а также Обзор конкретных обязанностей. Материал не только раскрывает некоторые аспекты неформального влияния римских чиновников на политическую жизнь греческих городов, характер отношений между правителями и общественными деятелямисофистами, но и показывает специфику восприятия их положения, по крайней мере, на уровне интеллектуальной элиты. Анализ политического дискурса выявляет ряд актуальных вопросов в отношениях между провинциалами и представителями римской власти, затрагивающих судебную сферу, формы и принципы коммуникации между центром и периферией. Был сделан вывод, что мнения и оценки авторов, определяется совокупностью объективных и субъективных факторов, среди которых важную роль играют особенности их социального статуса.


Litera ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 18-28
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Petrovich Evlasev ◽  
Larisa Alekseevna Sychugova

This article is dedicated to examination of the questions of functionality of evaluative lexis in political discourse of the United States. The relevance of the topic is substantiated by the heightened interests of research towards the peculiarities of expressing evaluative meanings in various types of discourse. In modern linguistics, the analysis of functionality of evaluative lexis in the political discourse is of unequivocal interest, since axiological interpretation significantly affects the life of modern society. Research methodology is comprised of the work of such Russian linguists as I. S. Alekseeva, A. A. Ufimtseva, T. A. Znamenskaya, N. D. Arutyunova, and others. Special attention is given to the method of realization of negative evaluations. The goal of this  article consists in the methods of expression of evaluative meanings s using stylistic means, as the language is an effective weapon in the world of politics. The political texts of US mass media served as the material for this research due to the fact that mass media influence the formation of public opinion, the course of political discussions and referendums, rating of political and public figures, political parties, and public organizations. The conducted analysis demonstrates that the US political discourse includes different lexical and stylistic means applied for exertion of ideological influence, as well as formation of certain attitudes on certain realities of political life among the recipients.


2009 ◽  
pp. 155-175
Author(s):  
Steven Forti

- Nicola Bombacci was an important PSI's leader during the First World War and the biennio rosso (1919-1920). After his expulsion from the PCd'I, of which was one of the founders, he approached fascism and became one of the last supporters of it since he had been shooted by partisans and died in Como Lake, and had been exposed in Loreto Square beside to Mussolini. After a short historical mention of the Bombacci's political life, these pages will analyse deeper the question of the passage from the left to fascism in interwar Italy, through the analyse of his political language. The method executed in order to analyse the question foresees the use of a biography by dates and the identification of the political interpretation's categories, which permit to carry out a comparison between the social-communist and fascist period. In conclusions, the article proposes a thesis of interpretation: the political passion.Parole chiave: Fascismo, Nazione, Rivoluzione, Classe, Guerra, Passione politica Fascism, Nation, Revolution, Class, War, Political passion


2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (1-2 (12)) ◽  
pp. 88-95
Author(s):  
Ruzanna Arustamyan

The article is devoted to the description of gender peculiarities in political discourse. The differences of male and female speeches aim to determine the degree of effectiveness of the impact of gendered approaches in political communication on male and female audiences. We may observe obvious differences between male and female speeches. It is conditioned by biological differences and social roles and stereotypes fixed in the society. Sometimes female politicians tend to imitate male speech behavior in order to defend their positions and the right to participate in the political life of their country.


Author(s):  
A. Arzymatova

1991year entered world history as the collapse of the USSR and the emergence of new independent states on its wreckage. In August 31, 1991, Kyrgyzstan adopted the Declaration on State independence. The transition to democratization began in difficult condition. The political, economic, social crisis set the stage for new reforms in the country. Changes in the political system of society were enshrined in the adopted first Constitution of 1993. The principle of separation of powers was enshrined: legislative, executive and judicial bodies were defined as independent branches of government. The political life of society depends on the type of political regime, public opinion, the influence of ideology and religion, as well as the decency of the media. Constitutional, political and economic reforms in Kyrgyzstan upset the balance government. The instability of democratic institutions and the establishment of authoritarian rule led to the March events of 2005. 


Author(s):  
Andrea Gamberini

At the beginning of the thirteenth century, two new actors made their appearance in the political life of the communes: the factions and the Societas Populi. This chapter focuses on the political language and culture of these two elements, highlighting the tendency of various social actors to consistently represent the unity of the political body. This was the supreme value which neither the factions nor the Popolo would renounce, even when they were alone in power: on the contrary, in fact, it was very much in that kind of situation that the parties tended to represent themselves as ‘the whole’. The chapter then goes on to examine the role that both the factions and the Societas Populi played in fostering the first experiences of lordly government in the city.


Slovene ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 526-542
Author(s):  
Olga Sapozhnikova

[Rev. of: Vesti-Kuranty: 1671–1672, preparation, research, commentary by I. Maier, S. M. Shamin, A. V. Kuznetsova, I. A. Kornilaeva, V. B. Krysko with contribution of E. V. Amanova, ed. by V. B. Krysko, I. Maier, Moscow, 2017, 806 pp., illustr., 27 cm] The article is devoted to the discussion of the new issue of Vesti-Kuranty, a large project of the V.V. Vinogradov Russian Language Institute, spanning almost half a century and performed by a whole team of authors. Vesti-Kuranty are Russian foreign press reports, a sort of medieval digests from the most recent publications about the main events in the political life of the 17th century. The content of the seventh volume allows one to trace the development of publishing techniques of this special type of documents compiled by the diplomatic workers of the capital (government officials of the Ambassadorial Order) and intended for the chosen audience – only the Russian government, that is, the Tsar and the Boyars Duma. Since the publication of the first volume in 1972, the structure of the work has fundamentally changed, since the Russian digest texts are now published side-by-side with their identified foreign sources; the researchers go to the finest detail to explain all the different methods of message composing, which have been based on a vast amount of information (including that which was missing in the originals, but was well-known by the Russian clerks). Vesti-Kuranty is one of the most valuable sources on the history of Russian foreign policy, the literary and political language of the educated segment of Moscow society, their perceptions and attitudes towards the artifacts of foreign cultures. The author of this review thinks that the methods of publication of Vesti-Kurantу will continue improving. The publishers are forced to test different ways of presenting the text to their readers, because each new issue of Vesti contains more and more material from year to year as new facts are uncovered.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (37) ◽  
pp. 10
Author(s):  
Saja Abdul Ameer Hadi ◽  
Ali Muhsin Gharab AL--Majdawi

      Almost all political vocabularies were neologisms.  The present study aimed to show the importance of neologisms in political language.  Neologisms are considered as the essential part of everyday speech.  So, the main goal is to show the reasons behind the creation of neologisms that have gained new senses through political, social, economic and cultural changes in society.  It points out the influence of political life upon culture and how culture helps politicians in producing political neologisms.  The study analyses these neologisms in order to give more understanding information about them.   The study concludes that people who work in the political field use neologisms to give a hidden message or to refer to the opposite of what they mean.


Res Publica ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 567-587
Author(s):  
Luc François

Theories concerning the origin, the growth and the efficacy of political elites mainly originated after the first world-war. They arose in circles and with people who resented the increasing democratisation of political life. They were above all meant as a legitimation of conservative ideas with regard to the exertion of politica! power. The years between 1830 and 1914 however can be considered as the incubation-period for these elite-theories. Some examples taken from the Belgian political literature shall illustrate this evolution.The liberal middle class got divided on the interpretation of the political events between 1789 and 1848. The doctrinarians wished to maintain the acquired results whereas the radicals chose for a further sharing ofpower with the lower social classes. The conservatives held the past as an example and in principle they wished a return to the situation that existed before 1789. The contrast between clericals and anticlericals and above all the relationship between church and state interfered with these theoretical conceptions. But neither conservatives nor liberals however had their doubts about the elite-principle.In the second half of the nineteenth century the social consequences of the industrial revolution were felt in such a radical way that the masses too claimed political power in order to improve their destiny.On the political scene the discussion especially crystallized on the demand for universal suffrage and the way of representation. Not only political publicists hut towards the end of the century particularly scientists too supplied a theoretical foundation for the relationship between the elite and the masses.


Author(s):  
Banu Turnaoğlu

This chapter analyzes how the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 had provided a different conception of what politics should mean and how it should operate in the Ottoman Empire, along with a new conception of state and society. Drawing on the political language of the French Third Republic, democracy and liberal republican ideas slowly transformed the terminology and categorization of central issues in Ottoman politics and laid the most salient intellectual and institutional foundations for the young Republic. The revolution opened the Second Constitutional period (1908–18). Its first phase revitalized the liberal constitutionalism of the Young Ottomans. Political thinking drew heavily upon Montesquieu's formula for the separation of powers in combination with the ideas of the Third Republic and Ottoman positivism.


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