scholarly journals The Significance of Political Neologisms

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (37) ◽  
pp. 10
Author(s):  
Saja Abdul Ameer Hadi ◽  
Ali Muhsin Gharab AL--Majdawi

      Almost all political vocabularies were neologisms.  The present study aimed to show the importance of neologisms in political language.  Neologisms are considered as the essential part of everyday speech.  So, the main goal is to show the reasons behind the creation of neologisms that have gained new senses through political, social, economic and cultural changes in society.  It points out the influence of political life upon culture and how culture helps politicians in producing political neologisms.  The study analyses these neologisms in order to give more understanding information about them.   The study concludes that people who work in the political field use neologisms to give a hidden message or to refer to the opposite of what they mean.

2017 ◽  
pp. 7-15
Author(s):  
Evgeny Astakhov

In the period post Franco were created more favorable conditions for left parties, first of all for Communist party. However, «eurocommunists» leadership of the Communist party of Spain (KPI) led her to a deep crisis. The creation in January 1984 of the new Communist party of the people of Spain (PCPE), despite the difficulties of institutional development, the complicated financial situation, lack of personnel, became a significant factor in the national political field. After many years of political and ideological disarmament of the left forces in Spain appeared a party, acting with genuine class positions. At the same time, PCPE played the role of catalyst of processes oriented to shift to the left axis of the political life of the country. However, the current situation in the Spanish communist movement, the whole objective situation in Spain dictated the need for the unification of the communists. That goal was answered by the creation of a left electoral coalition «United left».


2009 ◽  
pp. 155-175
Author(s):  
Steven Forti

- Nicola Bombacci was an important PSI's leader during the First World War and the biennio rosso (1919-1920). After his expulsion from the PCd'I, of which was one of the founders, he approached fascism and became one of the last supporters of it since he had been shooted by partisans and died in Como Lake, and had been exposed in Loreto Square beside to Mussolini. After a short historical mention of the Bombacci's political life, these pages will analyse deeper the question of the passage from the left to fascism in interwar Italy, through the analyse of his political language. The method executed in order to analyse the question foresees the use of a biography by dates and the identification of the political interpretation's categories, which permit to carry out a comparison between the social-communist and fascist period. In conclusions, the article proposes a thesis of interpretation: the political passion.Parole chiave: Fascismo, Nazione, Rivoluzione, Classe, Guerra, Passione politica Fascism, Nation, Revolution, Class, War, Political passion


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Ambroziak

This review analyses The Political Discourse of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: Terms and Ideas, a monograph written by Anna Grześkowiak-Krwawicz. The work describes the main concepts of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth’s political language between 1569 and 1795. The study is mostly based on political literature, i. e. theoretical treatises and works devoted to relevant issues of the political life of the state. The author makes an attempt to create her own methodological approach, which consists of describing the political discourse of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth by analysing its basic concepts, i. e. “Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth”, “law”, “freedom”, “forma mixta” and “separation of powers”, “consent”, “virtue”, “patriotism”, and “ancientry”. The scholar notes the small role that the concepts of “sovereignty”, “state”, and “property” played in political discourse. The reviewer compliments the wide range of literature used by the author and the high level of generalisations, due to which the work is a successful attempt at synthesising existing historiographic knowledge. At the same time, the reviewer points out further prospects for studying the issue: the application of a comparative approach, consideration of the context of ancient thought, analysis of differences in the political language in various parts of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the evolution of political discourse, as well as a significant expansion of the research base.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 77
Author(s):  
Muhammad Wahdini

This paper discusses the thoughts of Muhammad Sa'id Ramadhan Al-Buthi in the political field. Al-Buthi is a figure that is considered by some to be controversial because it is close to the Al-Assad regime, which in fact the majority of scholars hate the Al-Assad regime which is considered wrong. This paper is the result of a study of several literary literature relating to Al-Buthi's political conception. In this case Al-Buthi places more emphasis on moderation which leads to the unity of a country. His socio-political experience in the struggle over political issues in Suriah led him to very moderate thinking. His rejection of the revolution and more agree with reform because of the comparative advantage of the two. Al-Buthi emphasizes more on how moderate politics he prioritizes the creation of unity in the state of the nation so that its benefits for citizens are met. In addition to his rejection of extreme ways of politics he also placed women's representation as part of a government


Author(s):  
Andrea Gamberini

At the beginning of the thirteenth century, two new actors made their appearance in the political life of the communes: the factions and the Societas Populi. This chapter focuses on the political language and culture of these two elements, highlighting the tendency of various social actors to consistently represent the unity of the political body. This was the supreme value which neither the factions nor the Popolo would renounce, even when they were alone in power: on the contrary, in fact, it was very much in that kind of situation that the parties tended to represent themselves as ‘the whole’. The chapter then goes on to examine the role that both the factions and the Societas Populi played in fostering the first experiences of lordly government in the city.


Slovene ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 526-542
Author(s):  
Olga Sapozhnikova

[Rev. of: Vesti-Kuranty: 1671–1672, preparation, research, commentary by I. Maier, S. M. Shamin, A. V. Kuznetsova, I. A. Kornilaeva, V. B. Krysko with contribution of E. V. Amanova, ed. by V. B. Krysko, I. Maier, Moscow, 2017, 806 pp., illustr., 27 cm] The article is devoted to the discussion of the new issue of Vesti-Kuranty, a large project of the V.V. Vinogradov Russian Language Institute, spanning almost half a century and performed by a whole team of authors. Vesti-Kuranty are Russian foreign press reports, a sort of medieval digests from the most recent publications about the main events in the political life of the 17th century. The content of the seventh volume allows one to trace the development of publishing techniques of this special type of documents compiled by the diplomatic workers of the capital (government officials of the Ambassadorial Order) and intended for the chosen audience – only the Russian government, that is, the Tsar and the Boyars Duma. Since the publication of the first volume in 1972, the structure of the work has fundamentally changed, since the Russian digest texts are now published side-by-side with their identified foreign sources; the researchers go to the finest detail to explain all the different methods of message composing, which have been based on a vast amount of information (including that which was missing in the originals, but was well-known by the Russian clerks). Vesti-Kuranty is one of the most valuable sources on the history of Russian foreign policy, the literary and political language of the educated segment of Moscow society, their perceptions and attitudes towards the artifacts of foreign cultures. The author of this review thinks that the methods of publication of Vesti-Kurantу will continue improving. The publishers are forced to test different ways of presenting the text to their readers, because each new issue of Vesti contains more and more material from year to year as new facts are uncovered.


Author(s):  
S.S. Pashin ◽  
V.A. Yurshina

The article is devoted to the study of the role of the boyarwoman Marfa Boretskaya in the events of the 1470s, which led to the joining of the Novgorod Republic to Moscow. Almost all Russian historians of the 19-20th centuries believed that Marfa was the leader of the anti-Moscow “Lithuanian” party in Novgorod. The authors of the article think that such opinion is based on a non-critical assessment of sources - the Russian chronicles. We highlight three variants of narrative sources with the mention of Marfa Boretskaya: Novgorod, Moscow and Sofian. The Novgorod chronicles keep silent about Marfa's participation in the political life of Novgorod in the 1470s. The official Moscow chroniclers (the second version) believed that Marfa, along with her sons and other oppositionists, helped to agitate against the Moscow prince for the Polish king. Only the literary monument “Slovesa izbranna… (The Selected Words)” in the composition of the Sofia's first and related chronicles depicts Marfa as the leader of the Novgorod opposition to the great prince Ivan III (the third option). Sources do not reveal the real role of Marfa Boretskaya in the events of the 1470s.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 253
Author(s):  
Magali Do Nascimento Cunha

RESUMO: As transformações no campo político, com a presença mais ativa de grupos religiosos atuantes em reação a pautas que ampliam direitos de mulheres e da população LGBTI, são marcas do Brasil nos anos 2000. Um dos mais expres­sivos casos relacionados a esta dinâmica é a construção imaginária dos grupos religiosos conservadores em torno da categoria “gênero”, resultante na criação da noção de “ideologia de gênero”, como inimiga a ser combatida no campo político, e é o objeto deste estudo. Para isto, será desenvolvida inicialmente uma revisão da compreensão de “gênero” como categoria científica analítica e das políticas públicas que provocaram a emergência de movimentos religiosos reacionários. Em um segundo momento se discutirá a criação da noção de “ideologia de gênero” e sua propagação, com base no conceito de construção do imaginário coletivo pela linguagem. ABSTRACT: The transformations in the political field, with the more active pres­ence of religious groups acting in response to projects that expand the rights of women and the LGBTI population, are highlights in the Brazilian context in the year 2000. One of the most expressive cases related to this dynamic is the con­struction of the imaginary of conservative religious groups around the “gender” category, resulting in the creation of the notion of “gender ideology”, as an enemy to be fought in the political field, and is the object of this study. For this, a review of the understanding of “gender” as an analytical scientific category and of the public policies that provoked the emergence of reactionary religious movements will be developed initially. In a second moment the article will discuss the creation of the notion of “gender ideology” and its propagation, based on the concept of collective imaginary construction by language. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 175-190
Author(s):  
Aneta Dawidowicz

The diary is a “series of dated traces” which refers to the historical reality external to the writer and to the empirical person making the record. Diaries can be a report on everyday events, lyrical notes of feelings and emotions, a form of reflection on political, social, economic and cultural topics. The Dąbrowska Journal, recorded for fifty-one years, is a chronicle of the intellectual life of post-Yalta Poland, an abundant reporter of socio-political, cultural and literary events, a gallery of courts and opinions — often extreme and overbearing — an extremely sober diagnosis of relations between society and power. The uniqueness of the “Diaries” was that the author contained many details of intimate, everyday and political life. “Diaries” are a deep reflection on your own life and Poland. Dąbrowska was aware that she lived in a “police-totalitarian” system. Through journalistic prose, the author sent clear signals that she understands her contemporary political conditions and accurately assesses the surrounding world. Dąbrowska's diary survived as a testimony of the era, kept views and thoughts regarding the political reality of that time.


2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrie Balfour

AbstractConsidered costly, divisive, and backward-looking, reparations for slavery and Jim Crow appear to have no place in the politics of the “postracial epoch.” This essay proposes that the dismissal of reparations concedes too much. First, I contend that the conjunction of postracial discourse, on the one hand, and deepening racial inequalities, on the other, demands a counter-language, one that ties the analysis of the present to the historical conditions out of which it was produced. I explore reparations as a political language that (1) situates political claims within the historical framework of slavery, reconstruction, and segregation; (2) links past to present to future in its demand for concrete forms of redress; and (3) has played an important role in African American political life and in contemporary democracies in transition. Second, in contrast to much of the reparations scholarship, I focus on the demands of democracy rather than justice. Doing so both helps to evade some of the technical questions that have prevented full consideration of the political work of reparations and provides a vehicle for redefining both governmental and civic responsibility in the shadow of slavery and Jim Crow.


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