Официальные полномочия и неформальные аспекты власти римских наместников в суждениях и оценках греческих авторов второй софистики

2017 ◽  
pp. 112-125
Author(s):  
K.V. Markov

The article is devoted to the study of a wide range of opinions about the Roman governor, contained in the works of Greek authors of 13 c. AD. The study concerns characteristics of the different forms of governors activities in the Greek lands, including a general assessment, as well as reviews of specific duties. The material not only reveals some aspects of the informal influence of the Roman officials in the political life of the Greek cities, the nature of relations between the governors and public figures, sophists, but also shows the specificity of the perception of their position, at least in the intellectual elite level. Analysis of political discourse reveals a number of topical issues in relations between the provincials and representatives of the Roman government, affecting the judicial sphere and forms and principles of communication between the center and the periphery. It has been concluded that the opinions and evaluations of the authors were determined by a set of objective and subjective factors, among which the important role played peculiarities of their social status.Статья посвящена исследованию широкого круга мнений о Римском правителе, содержащихся в работах греческих авторов 13 гг. н. э. Исследование касается особенностей различных форм деятельности губернаторов на греческих землях, включая общую оценку, а также Обзор конкретных обязанностей. Материал не только раскрывает некоторые аспекты неформального влияния римских чиновников на политическую жизнь греческих городов, характер отношений между правителями и общественными деятелямисофистами, но и показывает специфику восприятия их положения, по крайней мере, на уровне интеллектуальной элиты. Анализ политического дискурса выявляет ряд актуальных вопросов в отношениях между провинциалами и представителями римской власти, затрагивающих судебную сферу, формы и принципы коммуникации между центром и периферией. Был сделан вывод, что мнения и оценки авторов, определяется совокупностью объективных и субъективных факторов, среди которых важную роль играют особенности их социального статуса.

Litera ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 18-28
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Petrovich Evlasev ◽  
Larisa Alekseevna Sychugova

This article is dedicated to examination of the questions of functionality of evaluative lexis in political discourse of the United States. The relevance of the topic is substantiated by the heightened interests of research towards the peculiarities of expressing evaluative meanings in various types of discourse. In modern linguistics, the analysis of functionality of evaluative lexis in the political discourse is of unequivocal interest, since axiological interpretation significantly affects the life of modern society. Research methodology is comprised of the work of such Russian linguists as I. S. Alekseeva, A. A. Ufimtseva, T. A. Znamenskaya, N. D. Arutyunova, and others. Special attention is given to the method of realization of negative evaluations. The goal of this  article consists in the methods of expression of evaluative meanings s using stylistic means, as the language is an effective weapon in the world of politics. The political texts of US mass media served as the material for this research due to the fact that mass media influence the formation of public opinion, the course of political discussions and referendums, rating of political and public figures, political parties, and public organizations. The conducted analysis demonstrates that the US political discourse includes different lexical and stylistic means applied for exertion of ideological influence, as well as formation of certain attitudes on certain realities of political life among the recipients.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Ambroziak

This review analyses The Political Discourse of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: Terms and Ideas, a monograph written by Anna Grześkowiak-Krwawicz. The work describes the main concepts of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth’s political language between 1569 and 1795. The study is mostly based on political literature, i. e. theoretical treatises and works devoted to relevant issues of the political life of the state. The author makes an attempt to create her own methodological approach, which consists of describing the political discourse of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth by analysing its basic concepts, i. e. “Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth”, “law”, “freedom”, “forma mixta” and “separation of powers”, “consent”, “virtue”, “patriotism”, and “ancientry”. The scholar notes the small role that the concepts of “sovereignty”, “state”, and “property” played in political discourse. The reviewer compliments the wide range of literature used by the author and the high level of generalisations, due to which the work is a successful attempt at synthesising existing historiographic knowledge. At the same time, the reviewer points out further prospects for studying the issue: the application of a comparative approach, consideration of the context of ancient thought, analysis of differences in the political language in various parts of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the evolution of political discourse, as well as a significant expansion of the research base.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Lyubov V. Ulyanova

The article analyzes the political discourse of the officials of the main political surveillance structure, – the Police Department, – in the period of 1880s (organization of the Department) and until October, 1905, when the Western-type Constitution project finally prevailed. The comparative analysis of the conceptual instruments (“Constitutionalists”, “Oppositionists”, “Radicals”, “Liberals”) typically used in the Police Department allows one to come o the conclusion that the leaders of the Russian empire political police did not follow the “reactionary and protective” discourse, did not share its postulates, but preferred the moderate-liberal-conservative path of political development. Along with that, the Police Department also demonstrated loyal attitude to zemsky administration and zemsky figures, covert criticism of “bureaucratic mediastinum”, the tendency to come to an agreement with public figures through personal negotiations, intentional omittance of reactionary and protective repressive measures in preserving autocracy. All this allows to come to the conclusion that the officials of the Police Department shares Slavophil public and political doctrine.


2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (1-2 (12)) ◽  
pp. 88-95
Author(s):  
Ruzanna Arustamyan

The article is devoted to the description of gender peculiarities in political discourse. The differences of male and female speeches aim to determine the degree of effectiveness of the impact of gendered approaches in political communication on male and female audiences. We may observe obvious differences between male and female speeches. It is conditioned by biological differences and social roles and stereotypes fixed in the society. Sometimes female politicians tend to imitate male speech behavior in order to defend their positions and the right to participate in the political life of their country.


2009 ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Recio Glicerio Sánchez ◽  
Calero Francisco Sevillano

- This article examines the public denunciation of political life in Spain during the second period of the long years of PSOE government, presided over by Felipe González from 1982 to 1996. During those years, with a consolidated democracy in place, the main opposition party, the conservative PP, called on the socialist leaders to deal with the corruption among those holding political office - particularly from the beginning of 1989. Not only did the denunciation of the various cases of corruption and of the "dirty war" against ETA terrorism occupy the political agenda as a means of challeng-ing and discrediting the government, but it also led to a "corrosion" of the political discourse that had characterized the democratic transition in Spain. With regard to these events in recent political life in Spain, the article emphasizes that political scandal is a slightly different phenomenon from corruption, understood as an abuse of the law that undermines the political system.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 65
Author(s):  
Pietro Pisano

Resumen: Este artículo analiza la presencia de la cuestiónfemenina en el discurso político chocoano de la primeramitad del siglo XX. En esa época, la condición de las mujereschocoanas, particularmente la de las mujeres negrasde sectores populares, adquirió mucha importancia en elprograma del movimiento cordobista, fundado en 1933 conel objetivo de lograr la participación de la gente negraen la vida política, económica y cultural de la región.El estímulo de la educación femenina propuesto por esemovimiento permitió a muchas mujeres negras dejar ellugar de subordinación determinado por su pertenenciaracial y de clase. En particular, la posibilidad de accederal magisterio garantizó mayores posibilidades de escapara la condición de servidumbre a la cual habían sido relegadashistóricamente y determinó su mayor participaciónen la vida política. Sin embargo, pese a la igualdad degénero proclamada oficialmente, los mecanismos internosa los movimientos políticos terminaron perpetuando ladominación de género, invisibilizando la participaciónfemenina y relegando a las mujeres a un rol secundario.Palabras clave: discriminación racial, mujeres, Chocó,género, educación, participación política.Women’s Condition in Political Discourse in Chocó. Race. Gender and Class in a Discriminatory Context in Mid-XXth CenturyAbstract: This article analyzes the presence of the femalequestion in the Chocoan political discourse during the firsthalf of the 20th century. At that time, Chocoan women’scondition, especially of the black ones from popular sectors,gained great importance in the Cordobist movement,founded in 1933 with the aim of achieving black people’sparticipation in the political, economic and cultural lifeof the region. The female education incentive, proposedby the movement, allowed a big number of black womento abandon their subordinate place - determined by theirrace and class. More specifically, the opportunity to accessthe teaching profession guaranteed them greater possibilitiesto escape the condition of servitude to which they hadbeen historically relegated and it also determined a largerparticipation in political life. However, despite the officiallyproclaimed gender equality, the movement’s internalmechanisms ended up perpetuating gender domination,ignoring female participation and relegating women toa secondary role.Key Words: racial discrimination, women, Chocó, gender,education, political participation.


Author(s):  
Zhanna Nikonova ◽  
◽  
Valery Bukharov ◽  
Inna Yastremskaya ◽  
◽  
...  

The article analyzes the functional potential of basic adjective color-coding in modern German political discourse, illustrating cases of its political connotation. Using a variety of linguistic research methods, the authors examine functional peculiarities of color adjectives such as rot, orange, gelb, grün, blau, and violett in German-language texts related to politics. Specific examples show that all these adjectives are politically colored, demonstrating the realization of both traditional and contemporary meanings that reflect modern realities of German socio-political life. The research also reveals the frequency of conveying specific values through the usage of color adjectives in the German political discourse. It is established, for instance, that the most frequent is the color adjective grün, used in non-fiction political texts to designate the political party Die Grünen and shedding some light on its style of governing and the political position of its electorate. Within the political discourse of modern Germany this color designation is also a verbal marker of ecological and environmental concerns as well as the color of hope. The authors also discuss such additional meanings of grün as “extracted from natural sources, renewable” in the phrase grüne Energie and “misleading in terms of environmental effects or environmental influence something causes” in the phrase grün waschen. The second most frequently used basic color meaning in German political dis-course is the color designation rot, traditionally symbolizing blood, terror, revolution, and war, as well as struggle, protest movements, mass demonstrations, and campaigns. It also denotes a specific form of a country’s political system and remains the main color of left-wing parties, expressing adherence to certain political parties and the style of their government. In addition, this color code serves as a strong warning in situations of grave danger and, in texts on political topics, often symbolizes the Russian Federation and everything related to it. The least frequent is the color designation violett, which can express membership in the political party Die Violetten. It is the color of the German public association Aktionsbündnis Amoklauf Winnenden and retains vital importance as a sign of warning in emergency situations (such as natural disasters, etc.). The results of the study contribute new information on the semantic space of color codes to the field of political linguistics and modern German studies, illustrating political connotations of basic color codes in German.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 67-78
Author(s):  
Marianna G. Abramova

The 21st century is rightfully referred to as the post-secular period: the rebirth of religion can be seen practically everywhere. Latin America is no exception. Here, the evangelists (namely, neo-Pentecostals) are expanding their influence on an ever greater scale. The given paper examines the causes of this phenomenon; it also analyzes the theological concepts of neo-Pentecostals. The author arrives at the conclusion that neo-Pentecostals are becoming the most important political actor in all Latin American countries since they now represent the newly crystallizing moral needs of the population, now more than displeased with the liberal gender agenda. The author defines three models of neo – Pentecostals participation in the political life in various Latin American countries.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (2 (16)) ◽  
pp. 123-132
Author(s):  
Samvel Abrahamyan

Peculiarities of British parliamentary discourse are largely conditioned by context models of its participants, which influence the style and linguistic forms of their speeches. As context models are culturally predetermined, linguistic means used in parliamentary discourse have also certain linguocultural peculiarities. Centuries-old traditions of British parliamentary system find their reflection in the language and form an essential part of British parliamentary discourse. The adherence to these communicative norms, including different rituals, ceremonies and traditions peculiar to British political life and British political discourse, has a special symbolic meaning and is aimed at maintaining stability of the political system, respect for the state power and its authority.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Gulyakov ◽  
Alexey Salomatin ◽  
Aleksander Malko ◽  
Mariya Zakharova ◽  
Natal'ya Makeeva ◽  
...  

The monograph reveals the history of the creation of the European Union and its current situation, which is characterized by instability and lack of genuine unity. In an effort to integrate everything and everyone in a short time, European leaders and officials have overestimated their strength. Meanwhile, every European country retains its identity and is in no hurry to give it up. Russia and the participants of integration interstate associations should learn lessons from the fate of the European Union: not to force rapprochement, not to encroach on the state sovereignty of its members, to respect the opinion of ordinary people. The publication is intended for specialists in the field of European politics, European law, international relations, as well as for a wide range of readers interested in the political life of Europe.


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