scholarly journals Regional integration and Brazilian Foreign Policy: Strategies in the South American space

2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (48) ◽  
pp. 51-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristina Soreanu Pecequilo ◽  
Corival Alves do Carmo
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
South American ◽  
Theoretical Studies ◽  
Integration Process ◽  
Foreign Policy Strategies

The aim of the article is to present, based on theoretical studies of integration, the evolution of this process in Latin America and, most recently, in South America. Based on these studies, the goal is to analyze the role played by Brazil in the process, which defines as priorities of its foreign policy a regional and global framework for its international action that is based on both cooperation and power projection.The research has been conducted based on theories of integration, an historical background on Latin American integration and in Brazilian foreign policy, through its contemporary agenda. The answer was based on a comparative agenda and in a bibliographical critical analysis of the research material.The main findings of the paper point out that Latin American integration has specific features linked to the economic, political and stragetic realities of the continent that show the limitations of some theories applied to the European process, also that it depends on Brazilian foreign policy actions, that still sees the region as instrumental to its interests. So, Brazil sometimes fail to fulfill some requisites of integration that are essential to sustain its projects. Therefore, there is a cycle of enlargement and deepening of regional integration process in this political space that point out to the need of a more sustained compromise of Brazilian foreign policy towards these projects. If Brazil continues not to sustain these projects, they will lose momentum and significance once more, increasing power asymmetries in the region.

scholarly journals Brazil’s foreign policy and the eternal quest for Latin American integration

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 10-23
Author(s):  
W. A. Sánchez
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
The Us ◽  
Transformation Processes ◽  
Latin American And Caribbean

Brazil has historically been regarded as the natural leader of Latin America, given its level of development, the size of its economy, its military might and its ambitious foreign policy. This image was cemented during the presidencies of Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff, who supported Latin American integration (particularly via the creation of such blocs as UNASUR and CELAC) and diminishing Washington’s historical influence in the Western Hemisphere. However, the situation has dramatically changed with the rise to power of President Jair Bolsonaro, a staunch supporter of the US in general (and President Donald Trump in particular), which has affected Brazil’s role in the region. Based upon the analysis of specific domestic and foreign policy components, the author draws conclusions on how Brazil’s prospects as a participant (or even the key motivator) in the transformation processes in the region have changed. Brazil is no longer perceived as the axis of attempts at regional integration, but rather “just another separate state” taking care of its own interests. Brazil’s economic crisis and Bolsonaro’s strategy (or the lack thereof) regarding the COVID-19 pandemic have negatively affected Brazil’s image even further. Then again, as this analysis seeks to demonstrate, Latin America has a mixed record when it comes to integration attempts, as regional governments are zealous guardians of national sovereignty. Hence, while there have been some successful regional thrivings towards promoting cooperation, the rise of some supranationalist organization similar to the European Union – is a dream. This is not necessarily a bad thing, as Latin American (and Caribbean) blocs do not need supranationalism to be effective, but it shows the limits of regional integration initiatives.

scholarly journals Regionalism and presidential ideology in the current wave of Latin American integration

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Baracaldo Orjuela ◽  
Jean-Marie Chenou
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
South American ◽  
Current Crisis ◽  
High Expectations ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Material Interests

Latin American regionalism is currently undergoing a profound crisis. Although the recent wave of regionalism of the early 21st century raised high expectations just a few years ago, it has suffered some important drawbacks since, as illustrated by the suspension of Venezuela from Mercosur in 2017 or the debacle of the Union of South American Nations in April 2018. Regional integration theories extrapolated from the European case struggle to account for the short cycles of integration dynamics in Latin America. Against this background, this article emphasizes two important aspects of Latin American regionalism that differentiate Latin America from other regions and explain some of the swift changes experienced over the last decades. First, because of the presidential nature of diplomacy in the region, integration relies more on the success of summits and joint declarations than on longer-term institutional diplomacy. Second, ideology is an essential factor of integration, as opposed to a vision of regionalism based primarily on material interests. Hence, the success and failure of regional integration are partly explained by the convergence of presidential ideologies among member states in a given organization. Based on an expert survey on the evolution of presidential ideology in 15 Latin American countries since the beginning of the 21st century and complemented by a structured discourse analysis, the article explores the importance of ideological coherence in the success – and lack thereof – of four regional organizations (the Pacific Alliance, Mercosur, the Andean Community and the Union of South American Nations). It also illustrates the salience of ideological arguments in presidential discourses on regional integration. These elements shed new light on the ideological factor in the current crisis of Latin American regionalism.

scholarly journals Monetary integration issues in Latin America: A multivariate assessment

2008 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-308
Author(s):  
Jean-Pierre Allegret ◽  
Alain Sand-Zantman
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Exchange Rate ◽  
Business Cycles ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Monetary Union ◽  
Monetary Integration ◽  
Integration Process ◽  
Common Shocks ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Latin American Countries

This paper assesses the monetary consequences of the Latin-American integration process. Over the period 1991-2007, we analyze a sample of five Latin-American countries focusing on the feasibility of a monetary union between L.A. economies. To this end, we study the issue of business cycle synchronization with the occurrence of common shocks. First, we assess the international disturbances influence on the domestic business cycles. Second, we analyze the impact of the adoption of different exchange rate regimes on the countries' responses to shocks. .

Latin America: contrasting motivations for regional projects

2009 ◽  
Vol 35 (S1) ◽  
pp. 169-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
DIANA TUSSIE
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Economies Of Scale ◽  
Coalition Building ◽  
The North ◽  
External Pressures ◽  
Market Liberalisation ◽  
Market Relations ◽  
Regional Projects

AbstractThe breakdown of the North-South, East-West governing principles, and the removal of superpower overlay have led to an increasingly decentralised system setting the stage for the so called new geography of trade and the reconfiguration of political – diplomatic strategies. Such strategies now include contestation, articulation, competitive liberalisation, ample inter-state coalition building such as the G-20, G-33, G-90 in the Doha Round and the proliferation of regional and wider ranging preferential arrangements. Regionalism is both policy and project. Agreements vary widely in motivation, form, coverage and content. It is very often the case that, as in multilateral institutions, one major actor sets the agenda at the regional level with the view not only of constructing and retaining power at that level but also of setting global precedents. New balancing or bandwagoning efforts vis-à-vis the local strong power are set in motion with fresh implications for the emerging global architecture. Regional alignments are thus constantly shaping and reshaping market relations. Intra-Latin American agreements (those not including the majors, the US and the EU) were motivated by the search for wider markets building up economies of scale amongst similar countries. Such agreements mostly focused on market liberalisation through diverse schedules of tariff reduction. The result has been the emergence of shallow regional agreements. Nonetheless, most have not been fully implemented, but they show a long term trend towards potential convergence, especially if the Community of South American Nations moves on. External pressures have also spurred agreements as defensive mechanisms. So we witness impulses to regionalism complementing and at times competing with older patterns and trends. This contribution focuses on the different avenues that Latin America is undertaking in terms of regional projects. It will assess the dynamics of intra- regional integration and the inter-action effects with varieties of North-South integration.

The Arabs and Gabriel García Márquez

2021 ◽  
pp. 231-245
Author(s):  
Heba El Attar
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Gabriel Garcia Marquez ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
South American ◽  
Spanish Speaking ◽  
The Third ◽  
American Author

In 2014, newspapers across the Spanish-speaking world covered how the international press paid tribute to García Márquez. Particular attention was given to the extensive eulogies in the Arab press. A special homage was paid to the author’s memory in Saudi Arabia, where the Third South American-Arab Countries Summit was being held at the time. This was not Naguib Mahfuz; this was García Márquez. How was it possible for a Latin American author to become that popular across the Arab world? How was it possible for his novels to be referenced naturally in popular Arab films such as The Embassy in the Building (2005)? Was all this simply due to the fact that in postindependence Latin America, particularly since the 1940s, there has been a growing de-orientalist discourse? Or did García Márquez craft a particular dialogue with the internal and external Arabs? With all this in mind, and by drawing on Latin American (de)orientalism in the works of Kushigian, Nagy-Zekmi, and Tyutina, among others, this article analyzes the dimensions and implications of García Márquez’s depiction of the internal Arab (immigrant in Latin America) in some of his novels as well as his dialogue with the external Arab (the Arab world) in some of his press articles.

‘Business Imperialism’ and Argentina, 1875–1900: A Theoretical Note

1980 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 437-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Jones
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
Economic Advantage ◽  
The State ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
South American ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
British State

The facts are by now sufficiently clear for it to be common ground in any discussion of late nineteenth-century imperialism that the British State was disinclined to interfere on behalf of British capitalists with Latin American interests when these were threatened by local firms or States. Equally it is clear that British capitalists did not invest in Argentina in the belief that, by so doing, they were actively assisting the foreign policy of the British State. The State provided no grounds for this belief and no inducement to invest, and had it done so it is unlikely that the capitalists concerned – a pretty liberal bunch by and large – would have responded to any greater extent than they felt was consistent with their economic advantage. Again, there were not, in Britain, territorially ambitious militarists and aristocrats with their sights set on the South American republics. This element was quite adequately catered for in the Empire. In short, the models of imperialism favoured by Hobson, Schumpeter, and other conspiracy theorists, however appropriate they may be in particular cases, cannot be generalized and have very little relevance to Argentina.

Part II Investor-State Arbitration in the Energy Sector, 13 Energy Investor-State Disputes in Latin America

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Romero Eduardo Silva
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Energy Sector ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
The Political ◽  
Foreign Companies ◽  
Private Interests ◽  
American States ◽  
Resource Nationalism ◽  
Latin American Region

This chapter discusses the recent resurgence of ‘resource nationalism’ in the Latin American region. These include the shift in the political and economic control of the energy sector from foreign, private interests to domestic, state-controlled companies and the disputes this has triggered. After looking at the historical background of investor-state arbitration in Latin America, the chapter analyzes relevant strategies used by investors and states to defend their standpoint on resource nationalism. It also identifies which ones have proved most successful in relation to fiscal measures and nationalizations by certain Latin American states. The chapter also provides an assessment of corporate restructuring strategies used by foreign companies to challenge these types of resource nationalism measures.

Cuba and Integration Processes in Latin America and the Caribbean

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Oliva Campos ◽  
Gary Prevost
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Jose Marti ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Simon Bolivar ◽  
Cuban Government ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Negative Impacts

The uniting core of all the Cuban revolutionary government’s unfolding politics toward Latin American and Caribbean countries has been based on three foundational tenets: the staunch defense of a unified perspective that spans national to regional; the recovery of the historic principles of regional integration defended by Simón Bolívar and José Martí, and the unalterable anti-imperialist position of its international relations. Unlike the enormous negative impacts that the demise of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and Eastern-European socialism caused Cuba, the new political and geo-economic scene of the post–Cold War turned out to be very favorable for a Cuban government that shifted to redefine its relationships with Latin America and the Caribbean. This was strengthened by the victory of progressive and leftist governments in influential countries such as Brazil, Argentina, and Venezuela. The new regional circumstances have been the most propitious for the development of the integrationist vision historically supported by the Cuban Revolution.

Paradiplomacy in Latin America: Between the Policy and the Research Agenda

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Carolina Mauad
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Research Agenda ◽  
International Politics ◽  
Global Dynamics ◽  
Policy Practice ◽  
Institutional Settings ◽  
Subnational Governments

Paradiplomacy refers to the international politics of subnational governments, such as cities and states. Latin American subnational actors have been actively performing paradiplomacy actions since the 1990s, fostering a research agenda that is closely connected with the policy practice. In a context of democratization and regional integration, paradiplomacy tends to grow and expose challenges regarding legal and institutional settings within federalist countries while dialoguing with global dynamics.

scholarly journals Chinese geostrategic vision and its incidence on Latin America and Africa

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (23) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Alberto Ardila Castro ◽  
Jessica Andrea Rodríguez
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Social Development ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Latin American Politics ◽  
Naval Power ◽  
Significant Incidence ◽  
Economic Control

China has had a significant incidence in various sectors of African and Latin American politics, economy, and trade. There is no denying that its foreign policy has strategic interests in both regions. One of the most outstanding features of Chinese politics is its desire to promote cooperation to foster a renaissance between Asia and Latin America and Africa. Unlike the old colonial masters, China is committed to providing these regions with new opportunities for development. Bearing in mind Alfred Mahan’s theory of naval power, and the strategic rearguard that, at a given time, it allowed the United States, China is attempting to maintain the strategic center of gravity, which the economic control of Latin America and Africa and its surrounding resources provides to generate a strategic expansion that would ensure its interests and power in the hemisphere. In exchange, China strives to promote economic, commercial, political, and social development in African and Latin American societies.

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