scholarly journals Arctic Strategies of China and Russia: Similarities and Differences

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-52
Author(s):  
Vladimir Pecheritsa

The interest of People’s Republic of China in the Arctic has been growing since late XX century. At present, it is translated into a number of projects of PRC jointly with Russia, exactly, in hydrocarbon extraction, use of the Northern Sea Route, investigation of climatic and ecological problems of the Arctic. At the same time, PRC is striving to play a more significant role in solving the Arctic issues, so in the future one should expect its active involvement in Arctic activities in all directions.

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 333-345
Author(s):  
Kristina M Mikhaylichenko

The article discusses the place and importance of the Arctic region and the Northern Sea Route on the geopolitical map of the world. The author defines the interests of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China in the Arctic, characterizes the project “Ice Silk Road” within the framework of the initiative “One Belt and One Road”, analyzes the existing Russian-Chinese cooperation and identifies the most promising areas of cooperation. The author comes to the conclusion about the global potential of the Arctic cooperation between the two countries.


Author(s):  
O. V. Demianchuk

In article the condition of the existing cooperation and the prospect of development of the relations of the People's Republic of China with the states of Central and Eastern Europe in the 16 + 1 format within forming geopolitical and  systems, integration processes in Eurasia which China creates around itself in the form of the New Silk way. The main ways and possibilities of cooperation of Ukraine in the 16 + 1 format are defined. Conclusions are drawn and the corresponding recommendations are made.


10.12737/6732 ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (6) ◽  
pp. 36-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
C Вэйдун ◽  
Cyuy Veydun ◽  
Хунтин ◽  
Yan Hongting

“House-for-pension” scheme also known as reverse mortgage is used in many countries nowadays. An interest to this model is increasing in Chinese society too. But is “house-for-pension” scheme really suitable for China? In the present paper possible options related to "house for pension" scheme adaptation to the Chinese conditions have been analyzed, and a conclusion that the similar model doesn´t suit China has been drawn. Chinese pension system still needs for state budget support as a main source of financing, and for using of traditional pension provision. “House-for-pension” scheme will be able become a supplement source of financing only in the future.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 260-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhenghe Zhang ◽  
Yawen Lu

Purpose In the 69 years since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, especially the 40 years since the reform and opening-up, the relationship between urban and rural areas has undergone profound change. When the deepening reform of the urban-rural relationship is entering a critical period, it is necessary to reassess the evolution of the urban-rural relationship in China and draw a picture for that relationship in the future. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach This paper combs the policies on the urban and rural development since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, and analyzes macro data on the industries, population, personal income, and other aspects. Findings The study found that this urbanism affects individuals’ lives and the choices of society through the will of the state, and then provides feedback at the whole level of social values. Originality/value This paper divides the evolution of China’s urban-rural relationship into two major stages – nurturing cities with rural areas and leading rural areas with cities, which are then subdivided into five periods. The features of the relationship between the urban and rural areas in different periods are analyzed, and the future development of urban-rural relations is also considered.


2013 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olya Gayazova

Abstract The new Arctic Council observer guidelines specify that in determining the suitability of applicants for observer status, their recognition of Arctic states’ sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction in the Arctic will be noted. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is one of the applicants for Arctic Council observer status and maintains that it respects the rights of Arctic states and has its own rights in the region. In this article, two questions are examined: first, whether the PRC’s policy steps in the Arctic have been within the scope of the rights of non-Arctic states in the region under the Law of the Sea, and second, the degree to which China’s rights in the marine Arctic may be limited by its legislative policies in its coastal waters.


1999 ◽  
Vol 159 ◽  
pp. 650-659 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Yahuda

As we mark the 50th anniversary of the People's Republic of China (PRC) we have the opportunity to assess China's experience over five decades in accommodating itself to the outside world. It is an opportunity to take stock and to consider in the light of this experience what is China's current international standing and what may be said to be its agenda for the future with regard to the conduct of foreign affairs.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (11) ◽  
pp. 123-130
Author(s):  
A. Todorov

Today Russia implements two different approaches to managing the Northern Sea Route (NSR). The first one entails signaling openness for international cooperation, foreign investments and cargo with the aim to develop the NSR into a globally competitive maritime route. Such approach is evident both from the statements of the high-ranking Russian officials and the strategic documents dedicated to the Arctic region. The other pattern is reflected in Russia’s willingness to impose limitations on foreign shipping on the Route. In addition to the permission-based national regime for navigation on the NSR, since 2018, Russia has ruled out certain maritime activities on the Route carried out by vessels flying non-Russian flags. Further measures for ships built outside Russia, as well as foreign warships, are being discussed. Taken together, these trends could lead to a suggestion that Russia sees the future development of the Northern Sea Route in attracting foreign investments and cargo, but not the vessels. However, additional layer of inconsistency emerges in Moscow’s attempts to justify the harsh national permission-based regime and national measures aimed at limiting foreign shipping on the NSR. The main argument by the Russian authorities is the special responsibility of the coastal state for the safety of navigation and protection of the marine environment. Yet, the practice indicates that the state is sometimes reluctant to keep high environmental and safety standards – both due to the lack of efficient law enforcement mechanisms and possible unwillingness to challenge the economic development of the region. The article concludes with the suggestion that Russia will need to more clearly decide the future course of development for the NSR and adjust the navigation regime and law enforcement mechanisms accordingly.


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