scholarly journals The chief is a chief through the people: Using Rule 7(1) to test the authority of a chief to litigate on behalf of his people

Author(s):  
Wilmien Wicomb

This note discusses the judgement handed down by the North West High Court in Mafikeng in an interlocutory application in the matter of the Royal Bafokeng Nation (RNB) vs the Minister of Rural Development and Land Affairs and Others. The application was brought by several ‘sub’-communities under the jurisdiction of the RBN, challenging the latter’s authority to litigate on their behalf. This application relates to a growing tension between the political authority of traditional leaders and the fundamental right of their ‘subjects’ to speak for themselves. It may be argued that the judgement represents an important step beyond the established frame of this discussion in the North West courts, namely which representative traditional structure is the proper one, to a question as to the duty upon those structures to comply with customary requirements of broad consultation and consent. In the event, it demonstrates the potential substantive significance of a procedural formality such as regulated by Rule 7(1).

2021 ◽  
pp. 12-23
Author(s):  
Dmitriy M. Abramov ◽  

The years of adolescence, youth and early youth of Prince Alexander Nevsky are practically unknown or known only to a narrow circle of historians. This topic is of considerable interest and has become the subject of discussion at the regular XXIXth International Educational Christmas Readings: “Alexander Nevsky: West and East, the historical memory of the people.” Prince Alexander was a representative of the second generation of the “Big Nest” baby birds – of Yuri Vsevolodovich, the Grand Duke of Vladimir- Suzdal. In his adolescence, Prince Alexander went through a difficult school of government in Veliky Novgorod. Together with his elder brother Theodor, he went through a difficult time of hunger, pestilence, disease and helped the Novgorodians cope with the consequences of these hardships. After the untimely death of Prince Theodore in June 1233, the young 15-year-old Prince began to rule alone in Novgorod the Great, pursuing the policy of the Grand-Ducal Vladimir-Suzdal dynasty in the North-West of the Russian land. In 1234, at the age of 16, Prince Alexander received his first baptism of fire. During the Mongol- Tatar campaign to Europe in 1237 – 1242 and the crusading encroachment on the lands of Pskov and Novgorod, he pursued the political course adopted by his father Yaroslav Vsevolodovich, the Grand Duke.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
O. V. Lagutin ◽  
E. O. Negrov

The article deals with the assessment of the prospects of the political future by representatives of Russian youth. The text of the article has been prepared within the framework of the project “Potential of Youth Political Leadership in The Course of Political Socialization and Circulation of Elites in the Russia Regions in the 2010s (using the example of South-Western Siberia and the North-West of the Russian Federation), RFBR grant No. 18-011-01184. The relevance of the research is in combining a fundamental review of the main directions of research of the role of youth participation in the social and political process and the involvement of a specific empirical study conducted in the spring of 2019, which allows highlighting various aspects of the situation. The empirical part of the study is based on the study “Ideas of Youth about Possibilities of Youth Leaders and Youth Organizations in Russia”, which was conducted in spring 2019 in four constituent entities of the Russian Federation — Altai Territory, Leningrad and Novosibirsk Regions and St. Petersburg. The method of research was a personal standardized interview, the sample size was 1000 respondents (250 in each of the regions), representatives of young people aged 14 to 30 permanently reside in the territory of the studied subjects of the federation. Based on factor and cluster analyzes, the main models of expectations of the political future are presented. The article should be of interest to researchers, both professionally involved, and simply interested in the topic of the influence of the real political process on such a significant group of the population as youth.


Author(s):  
Gertrud Dietze-Mager

The Politeiai are one of Aristotle’s historical works. Several hundreds of fragments have come down to us. While Aristotle’s Nomima barbarika recorded the customs of the barbaric ethne, the Politeiai are generally considered to be a collection of polisconstitutions. A closer look reveals, however, that alongside a majority of Greek poleis Aristotle also included several ethne in his Politeiai, namely those in the North(west) of the Greek mainland and on the Peleponnesus. This article tries to shed light on Aristotle’s reasons for selecting these ethne. On the basis of key passages in the Politics, the author argues that their presence in the Politeiai indicates that Aristotle considered them as Hellenic, and, although inferior in status to the polis, capable of having a politeia. In Aristotle’s time, nearly all of the ethne known to have been included in the Politeiai had formed koina. While Aristotle did not explicitly discuss the federal state, he acknowledged its existence both in the Politics and the Politeiai, obviously inspired by the political reality of his time in which the koina played an increasingly prominent role, illustrated by their presence as members in Hellenic treaties alongside the poleis.


2005 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
André-Louis Sanguin

Following upon the Third Conference on the Law of the Sea begun in 1973, the principal maritime States of the world assumed exclusive national jurisdiction over a 12- mile zone extending from their coastlines and a 188-mile economic zone beyond territorial waters. Together they constitute the more familiarly referred to « 200-mile zone ». This new practice radically changed the political geography of the oceans, lessened the area within which the freedom of the seas exists, diminished by more than a third the surface area of the high seas and dealt a heavy blow to the fishing xpeditions of foreign trawlers. Canada is one of the principal users and one of the most vigourous defenders of the 200-mile principle for geographical reasons as much as for economic or political ones. The excessive exploitation of the seabed has been felt to be a threat for a portion of the population of the Eastern part of Canada. A firm policy criticized for being somewhat unilateral has enabled Canada to eliminate foreign fleets from its 200-mile zone. Over a period of 30 years the International Commission for North-West Atlantic Fisheries (ICNAF) attempted to introduce a positive international cooperation in order to eliminate the anarchic excessive exploitation. It was replaced in 1979 by the North-West Atlantic Fisheries Organization. A major dispute exists between France and Canada with respect to the delimitation of the economic zone of Saint-Pierre and Miquelon, French land since 1604. More generally, the question is posed as to how long the 200-mile principle will prevail in this new political geography of the oceans.


Arts ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Panneels

This paper examines the use of mapping methodologies in some recent examples of contemporary art that chart the layered seascapes of the remote coastlines on North West Scotland as seen through the lens of visual culture in the Anthropocene. The art projects interrogate conflicting perspectives on landscape and nature in the North. The case studies demonstrate, both directly and indirectly, the political and cultural tensions made evident by the mapping of the micro and macro undercurrents at work in the region, and examine how mapping has been used as a methodology to visualise those intractable material relationships, often using the map as a trope to do so. These mappings make visible the enmeshments of these remote locations into a global ecosystem. The concept of the Anthropocene provides a useful framework to describe the contemporary context of climate change, ecological decline, biodiversity loss and recent discourses on land use within which the artworks by two artists, Julia Barton and Stephen Hurrel, will be discussed. The significance of Kester’s concept of Littoral Art were explored through the eponymous art project by Barton, which maps the human debris brought by the northern sea currents to the shores of the Western and Northern coasts, and Stephen Hurrel’s cultural mapping of the island of Barra on the West Coast. These projects were further considered in the context of Timothy Morton and Tim Ingold’s meshwork theory and the concept of the 19th century Scottish town planner and environmentalist Patrick Geddes, whose urging to ‘think global, act local’ is implicit in the multi-layered understanding of the Anthropocene.


1978 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Flanagan

Although there exists a respectable literature on political thought in Canada, relatively little of this work has been done by political theorists or philosophers. Much of the research has been carried out by historians, sociologists, or more recently by political scientists working with sociological conceptions such as “political culture.” But there is still a place in the study of Canadian political thought for one of the traditional tasks of political theory, the critical analysis of significant texts. This paper examines one such document, which deserves to be better known than it is, the “Declaration of the People of Rupert's Land and the North West,” of December 8, 1869. The text is presented in both English and French versions, the background of the document is briefly discussed, and its argument is analyzed at some length.


1938 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 733-763 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. G. Ivens

LAMALANGA is situated on the north-west coast of the island called Raga, or Araga (Pentecost Island), in the central New Hebrides, Melanesia.The head station of the Melanesian Mission on Raga is at Lamalanga which itself is on the coast; but the people who speak the language represented in this grammar live on the hills just above the Mission Station. Dr. R. H. Codrington published a grammar of the language spoken at Vun Marama on the same coast, a few miles north of Lamalanga.


1961 ◽  
Vol 107 (449) ◽  
pp. 795-805 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond Prince

Witchcraft, the extra-natural interference in the welfare of the community by women, has long since ceased to be a source of major concern in Western society. In many other areas of the world, however, the witch remains a very active and vital image in the consciousness of the people, This is certainly true for the Yoruba*—a negro group occupying large areas of Nigeria, Dahomey and Togoland along the north-west coast of Africa. With the Yoruba (irrespective of his social level, religion or education), belief in the witch and in her powers is all but universal.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Nfn Fauzi

This study discusses the political communication of legislative candidates in influencing the political participation of the community in North Aceh District. Political communication is a process of communication or the process of giving symbols or symbols of communication containing political messages that have implications affect the attitudes and behavior of audiences who become political targets. Legislative candidates are elected by the general election through legislative elections normally proposed by political parties. This research uses survey method with mixmethod approach, quantitative and qualitative. Based on the results of the research, political communication of legislative candidates influences the political participation of the people in Aceh Utara Regency by 33.2% and the rest is influenced by other things that are not examined. Coefficient of positive value means the more effective political communication of legislative candidates, then the increasing political participation of the community. Likewise, the results of interviews with political figures show that political messages are arranged in such a way by the legislative candidates submitted at the time of the campaign either face to face or through mass media and the ability to communicate or convey messages may affect the participation of the people to vote for the legislative candidate in legislative elections.Penelitian ini membahas mengenai komunikasi politik calon legislatif dalam memengaruhi partisipasi politik masyarakat di Kabupaten Aceh Utara. Komunikasi politik merupakan suatu proses komunikasi atau proses pemberian lambang-lambang atau simbol-simbol komunikasi yang berisikan pesan-pesan politik yang memiliki implikasi memengaruhi sikap dan tingkah laku khalayak yang menjadi target politik. Calon legislatif dipilih masyarakat melalui pemilihan umum legislatif yang biasanya diajukan oleh partai politik. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode survei dengan pendekatan mixmethod, kuantitatif dan kualitatif. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, komunikasi politik calon legislatif memengaruhi partisipasi politik masyarakat di Kabupaten Aceh Utara sebesar 33,2% dan sisanya dipengaruhi hal-hal lain yang tidak diteliti. Koefisien bernilai positif artinya semakin efektif komunikasi politik calon legislatif, maka semakin meningkat partisipasi politik masyarakat. Begitu juga dengan hasil wawancara dengan tokoh politik menunjukkan bahwa pesan-pesan politik yang disusun dengan sedemikian rupa oleh calon legislatif yang disampaikan pada saat kampanye baik secara tatap muka maupun melalui media massa dan kemampuan berkomunikasi atau menyampaikan pesan dapat memengaruhi partisipasi masyarakat untuk memilih calon legislatif tersebut dalam pemilu legislatif.


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