scholarly journals Scapegoat-Based Policy Making in Hungary

Intersections ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dániel Kovarek ◽  
Dániel Róna ◽  
Bulcsú Hunyadi ◽  
Peter Kreko

The far-right has been widely studied in the last decades, but little attention has been paid to its local activities. Nonetheless, in countries without far-right national government records, like Hungary, this might be the only way to explore the aims and characteristics of the former parties. This study sets out to explore the activities and main policy initiatives of local far-right leadership in Hungary that are driven by ideological scapegoating mechanisms. The research this paper is based on employed qualitative techniques – in-depth interviews and content analysis of local sources – to grasp the patterns of the local governance of Jobbik. The main foci of the fieldwork-based research are the manifestations of enemy images and ideological scapegoating in the field of symbolic politics, Roma – non-Roma cohabitation, social policy, the public work scheme and public safety – fields where (Jobbik) mayors have substantial room for maneuver, and also areas to which the party’s ideological predisposition and scapegoating can be traced back. The paper also examines how local enemy images relate to national ones and to the political strategy of Jobbik during a period when the party underwent important changes such as moderation and de-radicalization, having lost their ownership of the migration issue and witnessed the government take over the monopoly on enemy images. The analysis reveals how Jobbik-mayors employ conscious strategies for enemy-making and scapegoating with respect to – chiefly, but not exclusively – the Roma population, and how this drives the policies they try to implement. The research also sheds light on the remarkable tension between ideological and pragmatic considerations, and on how the former limits the enforcement of scapegoat-based policies.

2013 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 88-107
Author(s):  
Markian Prokopovych

On 2 January 2012, a mass demonstration took place in Budapest in front of the Opera House. The rally was the culminating event in a series of street protests that had shaken Hungary during the previous months when many inhabitants of the Hungarian capital, along with their co-nationals elsewhere, felt increasingly uneasy with the symbolic politics initiated by the government of Viktor Orbán and his center-right FIDESZ Party. In particular, the crowd that collected in front of what is still Hungary's most representative institution of culture, on the main boulevard Andrássy út, protested against the inauguration of the new constitution that had come into force the previous day. Despite opposition inside and outside of Hungary, the ruling political elite comprising the prime minister and his political entourage celebrated the new constitution—and themselves—at a gala event in the opera house. A number of other celebratory events in connection with Hungary's new constitution were also staged, among them a controversial exhibition of paintings in the National Gallery, located to date in the Buda Palace, meant to highlight the most important events in recent Hungarian history. Inside the opera house, Orbán and his political supporters listened to a collection of works by, among others, Franz Liszt, Ferenc Erkel, and Béla Bartók, but the composition of the program was a matter of minor importance on that day. Instead, as he and his government representatives congratulated each other that night on their party's achievements in power, the crowd outside the opera house jeered in reference to Hungary's fall in international economic rankings and the methods of rule that they saw as authoritarian, if not dictatorial, and appealed to a wider international community, for example, with slogans such as, “Hey Europe, sorry about my Prime Minister.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-164
Author(s):  
Efriyandi Efriyandi ◽  
Anis Endang SM ◽  
Indria Indria

In this era of globalization, the need for information is fast becoming very important for society. With this speed, online media has become one of the mass media that has a lot of interests and readers. On the other hand, it also gave birth to business interest for capital owners to establish large online media such as more than one, making the practice of conglomeration. As in Vicent Mosco's theory the conglomeration is a merging of a media company into a larger company that is in charge of the media. Ultimately, it also had an impact on reporting to the public and evidenced by conducting research on qualitative methods, namely by conducting interviews, observation and documentation with Miles model analysis techniques to media owners as well as to online media reporters SMSI group. In-depth interviews with discussions that have been determined previously in order to obtain data on this study. From this practice that there is a lot of space played by media owners, one of whom occupies as the editor and as the leader of the media, then all practical policies are all determined by the editor of good news that will be covered by journalists in the field. Technically, all news has been conceptualized by the editor, such as issues that will become news. Issues raised provide opportunities for journalists or media owners to find income for companies, such as cooperation with the government or political figures and the news is one of the priorities of the conceptual media owner.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 269-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alireza Valipour ◽  
Nordin Yahaya ◽  
Norhazilan MD Noor ◽  
Iman Valipour ◽  
Jolanta Tamošaitienė

In a situation of growing water demand, inadequate public funding, poor asset condition and lack of maintenance in developing countries, public-private partnerships (PPPs) play an important role in the development of infrastructure, such as water supply and sewerage services. The purpose of this study is to develop a quantitative approach to appropriate risk allocation, with attention directed to the impact of positive and negative factors in water and sewerage projects. The paper presents a hybrid SWARA-COPRAS approach to examine risk allocation, particularly for PPP water supply and sewerage projects in the context of Malaysia. In addition to PPP infrastructure projects, the approach has the potential to be adapted to other applications. The proposed method enables decision makers to utilise qualitative linguistic terms in the allocation of risk between the public and private sector, and to select the best strategy for risk allocation in a contract. Finally, 24 significant risks were identified: six risks would preferably be allocated to the public sector, while seven risks would be assigned to the private sector, and eleven risks would preferably be shared by both parties. The finding from this study can help the government of Malaysia to determine an attractive political strategy for private investors to support a PPP water and sewerage infrastructure project.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 313
Author(s):  
Chih-Jan HUANG ◽  
Yung-Nane YANG

In this study, the concept of ecotourism serves as the framework for the investigation of black-faced spoonbill tourism and conservation strategies implemented in Shifen, a community in the Chi-Gu District of Tainan City. It featured an examination of the formulation, planning, and implementation of the conservation strategies and conducted in-depth interviews on individuals from the public sector, local residents, tourists, and nongovernment organizations. Research results identified numerous problems: latent concerns regarding black-faced spoonbills as a tourism resource, poor awareness of ecotourism, difficulties in implementing black-faced spoonbill tourism and conservation strategies, and difficulty maintaining a balance between conservation and residents’ livelihoods. The government is advised to integrate the opinions and suggestions of local residents, promote community participation, and increase job opportunities for local residents to create a win-win model for the development of community-based ecotourism.


Author(s):  
Panmela Soares ◽  
Sandra Suárez-Mercader ◽  
Iris Comino ◽  
María Asunción Martínez-Milán ◽  
Suzi Barletto Cavalli ◽  
...  

The objective of this study is to explore the facilitating factors and opportunities that can promote the implementation of local food purchase (LFP) in Spanish school meals in the opinions of key informants (IK). A qualitative study was carried out based on in-depth interviews with 14 KI capable of influencing Spanish food policy (Representatives of consumers and/or producers, representatives of organizations that promote LFP, and representatives of the government and/or academics). They were asked about opportunities and facilitating factors for implementation of LFP. Interviews were recorded and transcribed. A qualitative content analysis was carried out with Atlas ti. The analysis of the interviews produced two categories that include factors that- in the interviewees’ opinions- can promote LFP (social fabric and policy) and three categories that bring together the factors that represent opportunities for implementation in school meal programs in Spain (the policy agenda, regional characteristics and regional context). The overlap between social and political demands were considered to be facilitating factors for LFP. Furthermore, in the opinions of KI, the presence of health and sustainability issues on the public agenda, the existence of a structured productive system and political changes represent an opportunity to implement LFP.


Imaji ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Umul Aiman

AbstrakMop-Mop dalam bahasa Aceh yang berarti mengunyah, seni pertunjukan ini dikatakan Mop-Mop karena tingkah laku pemainnya yang lucu ketika berakting dengan mulut monyong kedepan seperti orang mengunyah makanan. Kesenian Mop- Mop diangkat dari keseharian masyarakat dalam berumah tangga, yang terkadang sering terdapat perselisihan antara suami istri. Penelitian ini mengkaji faktor-faktor yang menghambat pelestarian kesenian Mop-Mop dan Upaya-upaya yang dilakukan dalam melestarikan kesenian Mop-Mop. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian lapangan yang pengambilan datanya melalui obrservasi langsung dan wawancara mendalam dari informan-informan kunci. Hasil Penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa adapun faktor-faktor penghambat dalam melestarikan kesenian Mop-Mop diantaranya yaitu (1) faktor ekonomi (2) faktor usia, (3) faktor jarak, (4) faktor kurangnya undangan untuk mengisi acara-acara hiburan, (5) faktor kurangnya perhatian dari pemerintah, (6) faktor kurangnya apresiasi masyarakat terhadap kesenian Mop-Mop, (7) faktor agama, (8) faktor kurangnya pengetahuan generasi muda terhadap kesenian Mop-Mop. Oleh karena itu, diperlukan beberapa upaya atau langkah nyata dari masyarakat khususnya pemerintah agar kesenian ini bisa tetap lestari di tengah-tengah arus modernisasi dan globalisasi seperti sekarang, diantaranya: (1) pemerintah memberikan perhatian lebih kepada kesenian Mop-Mop, (2) masyarakat khususnya generasi muda mempunyai kesadaran (berpartisipasi) dalam melestarikan kesenian Mop-Mop, (3) sanggar Meurak Jeumpa Aceh beserta pemerintah untuk bisa melengkapi dan memperbanyak buku-buku tentang kesenian Mop-Mop, (4) seniman Mop-Mop senantiasa mengajak anak-anak disekitar lingkungan para seniman untuk berpartisipasi dalam latihan Mop-Mop. Mop-Mop adalah bagian dari kekayaan kesenian di Aceh. Seharusnya memperoleh ruang perhatian untuk direvitalisasi, kesenian Mop-Mop sekarang sudah sangat langka dan perlu perhatian khusus agar kesenian ini tetap diakui keberadaannya. Kata kunci: Pelestarian, kesenian Mop-Mop MOP-MOP ART CONSERVATION IN THE DISTRICT NORTH ACEHAbstractMop-Mop in Aceh language which means chewing, is a funny performing arts as the players perform amusing shapes of mouth like chewing food while acting. It comes from daily marriage life which reflect common domestic argumentation. This study examines the factors that inhibit the preservation of Mop-Mop art and the efforts in preserving it. This study is categorized as field research and the data were gained through direct observation and in-depth interviews with the key informants. The result of this study concludes that the inhibiting factors in preserving Mop-Mop art are: (1) economic factor (2) age factor, (3) distance factor, (4) lack of invitation to perform the Mop-Mop art, (5) lack of attention from the government, (6) less public appreciation of Mop-Mop art, (7) religious factors, (8) factors of youth’s lack of knowledge on Mop-Mop art. Therefore, it takes some concrete efforts or steps from the public, especially the government so that this art can be sustainable in the midst of the current modernization and globalization, such as: (1) the government gives more attention to the art of Mop-Mop, (2) the community Especially the young generation have awareness (participate) in preserving Mop-Mop art, (3) Meurak Jeumpa Aceh studio and government to be able to equip and reproduce books about Mop-Mop art, (4) Mop-Mop artists always invite children Around the environment of artists to participate in Mop-Mop rehearsal. Mop-Mop is a part of the valuable art in Aceh. Since Mop-Mop performing art is very rare, it needs revitalization. Thus, it needs special attention so that this art can exist and recognized.Keywords: preservation, Mop-Mop art


Author(s):  
Aleksandr B. Astashov ◽  

The article, based on archival materials, deals with the transformation of the power formula in Russia during World War I from the “government of trust” to the “government responsible to the people”. The evolution of that political strategy is analyzed in relation to the objective requirements for all warring countries to a new type of war, which were the national unity, including the widest strata of the population, and the national economy regulation, limiting market mechanisms and leading to the transition of the economy to the rails of comprehensive regulation right up to planning. The article focuses on the specifics in the formation of representation for public and democratic elements in the public organizations of All-Russian unions of zemstvos ( system of local administration) and cities, which provided support for the change of the formula of power depending on the socio-political processes during the war. The author comes to the conclusion that in the Russia conditions it occurred within the framework of the change of the power formula: from the “trust government”, responsible to the “Progressive bloc” of the census State Duma (1915), to the concept of the government responsible to the bloc of census public elements within the “trust government before the country” (1915–1916) and then under the pressure of a broad bloc of democratic public elements in the city and the countryside involved in the organization of the country for defense and of the national economy to the formula of “government responsible to the people” (1916 – early 1917).


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 103
Author(s):  
M.Y.Tiyas Tinov ◽  
Raja Muhammad ` Amin ◽  
Auradian Marta

The research problem in this study was initiated with the interim decision of the ConstitutionalCourt No. 63/PHPU.D-IX/2011 which basically instruct the Regional Election Commission ( ElectionCommission ) to implement the Pekanbaru City Ballot Re ( PSU ) in all regions of the city ofPekanbaru . Therefore, this study sought to describe the impact of the issuance of the policy is forinterested parties . This study used a qualitative approach to the sources of information and dataobtained from in-depth interviews of infroman research and study documentation . This study obtainthe result that the Constitutional Court policies impact not only to the policy target group RegionalElection Commission of Pekanbaru , but also impacts outside the target groups such as the mutationof the Civil Service in the local government area in Pekanbaru . Then the impact of other policies arecosts to be borne either by the government or indirectly by the public costs of delays Voting Re-Election of Regional Head and Deputy Head of Pekanbaru .Key words :Policy Impact , Revote ( PSU )


2011 ◽  
Vol 26 (8) ◽  
pp. 635-651 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart Wilks-Heeg

Despite growing cross-party support for the principles of localism, the coalition's radical devolution agenda looks set to provoke a level of tension in central–local relations not seen since the 1980s. This article argues that the central cause of this friction, the front-loading of cuts in the local government financial settlement for 2011–2013, must be understood as the centrepiece of theConservatives’ agenda for local government reform. It is argued that, as with the introduction of the poll tax after 1987, the Conservatives have adopted a high-risk political strategy that will require the government to persuade voters that cuts in services arise from the failings of local councils. Evidence from opinion polls in the first half of 2011 suggests that the public is yet to be convinced that the blame lies with local government, but that they remain open to persuasion. However, a regionalized analysis of projected public sector job loss and voting patterns at the 2011 English local elections suggests that voters look set to blame central government in the areas where the cuts will hit hardest. If future local elections repeat this pattern, the limitations of the political strategy behind the localism agenda will become highly apparent.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (11) ◽  
pp. e0259631
Author(s):  
Mofeyisara Oluwatoyin Omobowale ◽  
Eniola Adetola Bamgboye ◽  
Akinfemi Akinyode ◽  
Olugbenga Samuel Falase ◽  
Taiwo Olabode Ladipo ◽  
...  

The COVID-19 pandemic has affected all dimensions of lives and has become a social problem as it continues to spread widely through the continuous interactions of people in public spaces where they earn a living. Curbing the spread of COVID-19 requires restrictions in these public spaces, however, the compliance to these measures depends largely on the understanding and interpretations of COVID 19 by users of these public spaces. This study examined the contextual interpretations of public space users about COVID-19 prevention in Ibadan Metropolis, Oyo State. The study was a rapid ethnographic survey in selected public spaces (markets and commercial motor parks) in Ibadan metropolis. Data were collected through participant observation, key informant interviews (3 females; 3 males) and in-depth interviews (30) with, traders, head porters, clients/buyers and commercial vehicle drivers in these public spaces. Interviews conducted were transcribed, sorted into themes using Atlas-ti 7.5.7 and subjected to interpretive-content analysis. Findings revealed that some respondents felt COVID-19 was brought into Nigeria by rich frequent global voyagers, others felt it was through “uncultured” sexual life or wrath of God. Some also doubted the existence of the disease and many of the respondents perceived COVID-19 as a disease reported by the government or a political propaganda to siphon funds. The users of the public spaces in Ibadan Metropolis have variegated perception about the existence and severity of this rapidly spreading virus and this has grave implications for COVID-19 control in the State. Thus, regular interaction with public space users are essential for control efforts.


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