scholarly journals KOMUNIKASI KRISIS: ANALISIS UPAYA RESPON KRISIS TELUK MEKSIKO DARI PERSPEKTIF PUBLIC RELATIONS

EDUTECH ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Aang Koswara

Abstract, crisis communication is a situation that may cause effects on the company's sustainability business operations; the treatment at every stage of the crisis will minimize the negative public reaction against the company. This paper reviews the crisis of BP Oil Company that had a leak in the Gulf of Mexico that resulted in the spill along the coast a few U.S. states that threaten ecosystems and marine life, tourism businesses and the livelihoods of fishermen population around the spill from the perspective of public relations. Communication crisis began when BP made a number of controversial statements to the public through the mass media which resulted negatives responses from the Government of the United States, communities around the spill, a shareholder in the stock, and environmental activists. BP responsed this negative public reaction is generated through a crisis communication in the form of lobbying to the Government of the United States and key stakeholders as well as the handling of campaign messages through social media networking and mass media.Keywords: Communication Disaster, Public Relations, Communication CrisisAbstrak, krisis komunikasi merupakan sebuah situasi yang dapat menimbulkan efekberkelanjutan operasional bisnis perusahaan pada masa yang akan datang, perlakuan dalamtiap tahapan krisis akan membantu meminimalisir reaksi negatif publik terhadapperusahaan. Tulisan ini memaparkan tinjauan krisis dari perspektif public relations terhadapperusahaan minyak BP yang mengalami kebocoran di Teluk Meksiko yang mengakibatkantumpahan di sepanjang pesisir pantai beberapa negara bagian Amerika Serikat yangmengancam ekosistem dan biota laut, bisnis pariwisata, dan mata pencaharian nelayanpenduduk sekitar tumpahan. Krisis komunikasi BP dimulai ketika sejumlah pernyataankontroversial disampaikan kepada publik melalui sejumlah media massa yangmengakibatkan reaksi negatif dari Pemerintah Amerika Serikat, komunitas sekitartumpahan, pemegang saham di bursa, dan aktivis lingkungan. Respon BP terhadap reaksinegatif publik tersebut dimunculkan melalui komunikasi krisis dalam bentuk upaya lobikepada Pemerintah Amerika Serikat dan pemegang saham kunci serta kampanye pesanpenanganan melalui jejaring media sosial dan media massa.Kata Kunci : Bencana Komunikasi, Public Relations, Komunikasi Krisis

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 84-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikki Usher

The U.S. journalism industry is facing unprecedented challenges from questions of economic stability, rising antimedia sentiment among the government and the public, new technologies that have democratizing effects on news production, and the lowest levels of trust in journalism in decades. At the same time, the United States is facing structural inequality and political polarization that has taken on a distinctly place-based dimension. Taken together, the places of news have changed, both because of forces inside and outside journalism: The places where journalists do their work have changed, not only in an immediate sense of their own work routines but also because of the larger place-based realignment in the United States. This monograph argues that place must be at the center of scholarly and industry analysis to better understand the challenges to professional journalism today.


1977 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adolf Sprudzs

Among the many old and new actors on the international stage of nations the United States is one of the most active and most important. The U.S. is a member of most existing intergovernmental organizations, participates in hundreds upon hundreds of international conferences and meetings every year and, in conducting her bilateral and multilateral relations with the other members of the community of nations, contributes very substantially to the development of contemporary international law. The Government of the United States has a policy of promptly informing the public about developments in its relations with other countries through a number of documentary publication, issued by the Department of State


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-448
Author(s):  
Cláudio Júnior Damin

O artigo aborda a relação existente entre guerra e opinião pública nos Estados Unidos. O artigo foca na análise do caso da Guerra do Iraque iniciada em março de 2003 durante os mandatos de George W. Bush. Esse conflito insere-se no contexto dos ataques terroristas de 11 de setembro de 2001, sendo parte constitutiva da chamada “guerra global contra o terrorismo”. A primeira hipótese de trabalho é a de que inicialmente e reproduzindo padrões históricos anteriores, a guerra foi amplamente aprovada pela população norte-americana, processo que se prolongou por alguns meses e influenciou decisivamente para a reeleição do presidente republicano em 2004. Como segunda hipótese assevera-se que, passado algum tempo, o humor da opinião pública sofreu uma inflexão, diminuindo a aprovação popular à guerra e tendo como importante desdobramento a derrota dos republicanos na eleição de 2008, com o conflito ainda em curso. Espera-se mostrar, portanto, como a Guerra do Iraque pode ser dividida em duas fases distintas, sendo a primeira de bônus para o governo de George W. Bush e seus correligionários republicanos e a outra de ônus a partir do crescimento do número de baixas militares norte-americanas e da crise de credibilidade do governo no que concerne às perspectivas de vitória definitiva no conflito.Abstract: The article discusses the relationship between war and public opinion in the United States. The article focuses on the analysis of the case of the Iraq War that began in March 2003 during the administration of George W. Bush. This conflict is within the context of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, being a constituent part of the "Global War on Terrorism." The first hypothesis is that initially and reproducing previous historical standards, the war was widely approved by the American population, a process that was prolonged for a few months and influenced decisively to the re-election of Republican president in 2004. As a second hypothesis asserts that, after some time, the mood of public opinion has undergone a shift, reducing the public approval of the war and with the important effect the defeat of the Republicans in the 2008 election. It is expected, therefore, to show how the Iraq War can be divided into two distinct phases, with the first bonus for the George W. Bush and his fellow Republicans and other liens being from the growing number of U.S. military casualties and the crisis of credibility of the government with regard to the prospects of ultimate victory in the conflict.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Umaru A. Pate ◽  
Danjuma Gambo ◽  
Adamkolo Mohammed Ibrahim

Since the rising to notoriety of the present ‘genre’ of malicious content peddled as ‘fake news’ (mostly over social media) in 2016 during the United States’ presidential election, barely three years until Nigeria’s 2019 general elections, fake news has made dangerously damaging impacts on the Nigerian society socially, politically and economically. Notably, the escalating herder-farmer communal clashes in the northern parts of the country, ethno-religious crises in Taraba, Plateau and Benue states and the furiously burning fire of the thug-of-war between the ruling party (All Progressives Congress, APC) and the opposition, particularly the main opposition party (People’s Democratic Party, PDP) have all been attributed to fake news, untruth and political propaganda. This paper aims to provide further understanding about the evolving issues regarding fake news and its demonic impact on the Nigerian polity. To make that contribution toward building the literature, extant literature and verifiable online news content on fake news and its attributes were critically reviewed. This paper concludes that fake news and its associated notion of post-truth may continue to pose threat to the Nigerian polity unless strong measures are taken. For the effects of fake news and post-truth phenomena to be suppressed substantially, a tripartite participation involving these key stakeholders – the government, legislators and the public should be modelled and implemented to the letter.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Corinna Barrett Lain

In this symposium essay, I explore the politics of botched executions, discussing state responses to the latest round of executions gone wrong and the ways in which those responses matter. Part I recounts four botched executions in 2014 and the state responses that accompanied them. Part II makes three observations about those responses-one about states' fealty to the death penalty, one about backlash politics and the scope of the public relations problem, and one about the changing cultural construct of lethal injection in the United States. Part III explores how state responses to botched executions (or the lack thereof) might impact the constitutionality of lethal injection itself. In the end, the recent spate of botched executions may prove true the old adage about politics making strange bedfellows. The inept executioner may prove the abolitionist's best friend.


2021 ◽  
pp. 84-87
Author(s):  
Samuel Cohn

This chapter focuses on big government and prosperity in the United States. A lot of Americans are fairly skeptical about the federal government. Some feel the public sector is full of bureaucrats who waste money, interfere with business decisions, and push personal agendas. Others are obsessed with party politics and despise everything from “the other party.” Both groups miss a fundamental point: big government is essential to the survival of a modern capitalist system. The government provides institutional support for the economy that capitalists cannot provide for themselves. Business will not provide defense, education, public health, physical infrastructure, and scientific research because these services are completely unprofitable.


1992 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 259-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cornelius B. Pratt

This regional study used a two-factor solution from responses to 12 five-point belief statements to investigate the correlates and predictors of public relations practitioners' self-reported beliefs about and behaviors in unethical situations. Responses from 307 practitioners from the mid-Atlantic district of the United States indicate that practitioners' self-reported beliefs and behaviors correlate significantly with gender, accreditation by the Public Relations Society of America, age, and income, which are also significant predictors of practitioners' self-reported beliefs and behaviors. The implications of these results for the public relations practice are discussed within the context of the Ajzen and Fishbein behavioral-intentions model. Suggestions for research are offered.


2021 ◽  
pp. 000276422097846
Author(s):  
Ulises Cruz Valencia ◽  
William Benoit

This study employs the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse to analyze the 2006 and 2012 presidential elections in Mexico. In the United States, the theory has been satisfactorily validated; nevertheless, in order to investigate the extent to which it can be generalized in other national contexts, this theory tested with Mexican television spots. Four out of seven subsamples were consistent with the predictions. The variations were mainly focused on the themes and incumbency related hypotheses. Themes regarding character were more frequent than policy themes. Candidates of the party in the government attacked more and acclaimed less than challenger candidates. Likewise, referring to past deeds, challengers acclaimed more and attacked less than the candidates from the government party. Apparently, these results are explained by the absence of a direct link between the candidates and the public office for which they compete.


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