scholarly journals STATE SYMBOL OF RUSSIA AND ALBANIA: COMPARATIVE ASPECT

Author(s):  
Y. Romanenko

The purpose of this research is a comparative description of the visual features of the national flags of Russia and Albania as symbols of diffusion of macroidentity, which is expressed in the contradictory vectors of their foreign policy and focus on both European and Asian macroidentity. Based on color semantics, the article analyzes the state flags of Russia and Albania, which, as in state symbols, reveal the features of the geopolitical positioning of states. The connection between the axial symbol of identity – the double-headed eagle – and the bifurcation (diffuseness) of political macroidentity is shown. The features common to the two states are shown: a tendency toward geopolitical isolationism, authoritarian state power, the dependence of the institution of the church on the state and statist atheism, the prevalence of corrupt practices, the emphasis on forced modernization and extraordinary technologies for overcoming situations of foreign political challenges. It is stated that in both countries there is a corruption of power, a sign of which is a fierce struggle for power during most of Byzantine history. It was determined that this struggle was not waged by political methods, but by force – a military coup, uprising or assassination of the current head of state. In the geopolitical position of Albania, this was due to Skannerberg’s attempt to combine two in one: Islamic and Orthodox identities, as well as situational adaptation of the country’s political elite to the next occupier: from 1443, i.e. the years of struggle against Turkish rule and until 1944 the coat of arms acquired alternately Turkish, Austrian, Greek, Italian and Soviet-Russian details. The coat of arms of the Russian Federation also contains Byzantine elements, which indicates a spiritual succession with the Byzantine Empire, however, with less borrowing.

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-17
Author(s):  
Andriy Kobetіak

The article deals with one of the fundamental problems of the whole corps of the church law – autocephalous principle of the existence of the church. This problem drives the researchers' attention to the very essence of the existence of orthodoxy in general. The preaching of Christ and the Gospel leave no direct pointers of the internal organization of the church. The apostles make only the subtle hints to the administrative arrangement of the church in general. Their mission preaching and spreading the faith to all nations, however, they did not envisage any other administrative system than autocephaly. Church dogmas and canons, which regulate all aspects of the life of the Church, were formed during the heyday of Christianity in the Byzantine Empire. However, the significant politicization and dependence of the church on imperial power led to the proclamation of a number of canons that contradicted the original nature of the church. This also applies to autocephaly. Under the pressure of the state authorities, the primacy of honor together with ancient Rome is shared by the capital's Constantinople chair. The theory of the "Five Patriarchates" is be- ing formed, which are called to rule the world Orthodoxy. During the Ecumenical Councils, autocephaly was transformed from a basic and natural state of the Church existence into a certain privilege and a subject of political bargaining in the international arena.Despite the long process of forming the canonical and legal corps of Orthodoxy, there is no clear regulation of the procedure for proclaiming a new autocephalous church today. This led to significant misunderstandings and the termination of Eucharistic communion by a number of Local Churches after granting autocephalous status to the Ukrainian Church. Theological disputes over the very procedure of signing the Tomos still take place today. Besides theoretical justification, the internal church structure also has a practical value for the process of bestowing autocephaly on the new national Local Churches. This is relevant due to the struggle of a number of modern countries for the church independence and the Ecumenical recognition. Starting since the Byzantine Empire times, the state power has constantly imposed its own church management principle and methods, which often was going against traditions and canonical norms. Orthodox ecclesiology offers its own approach to church-administrative management. It is proved that merely the autocephalous system is the only acceptable option of the existence of the Universal Orthodoxy.


Author(s):  
A. Sliusarenko ◽  
T. Pshenychnyi

The events that are taking place today in the church field of the Ukrainian State testify to the importance of the national church in building the national security of the country. The union of the church with the state has been formed for centuries, and to consider the absence of this tandem today would be wrong. However, such an alliance can be dangerous for the state if the church provokes separatism, ignites national conflict, undermines the national security of the state. Evidence of this is the aggressive policy of the leaders of the Russian Orthodox Church towards Ukraine throughout history, which has turned the church into an instrument of political games. Thus, by annexing the Metropolitan of Kiev in 1686 and establishing a protectorate over the Ukrainian church space, the leaders of the Russian Orthodox Church did everything to destroy the Ukrainian church tradition. History of Ukraine of the twentieth century testifies to the repeated attempts of Ukrainians to get out of the grip of the Russian Orthodox Church and build their own independent Ukrainian Orthodox Church. A striking example of this is the All-Ukrainian Orthodox Church Council of 1918, which, in the context of national competitions of the Ukrainian people for their own state, brought to the agenda of the revolutionary events the question of independence of the Ukrainian Church. At the second session of the Council, the idea of autocephaly of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church for the first time in many years consolidated a small part of the Ukrainian church and political elite around it. This article is devoted to analyzing the documents of this council session. The author tries to present the main stages of the competition for the autocephaly of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church and the difficulties that have arisen.


2021 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-222
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Kubiak

Streszczenie 25 kwietnia 1974 w Lizbonie rozpoczął się wojskowy zamach stanu wymierzony w autorytarne państwo. Odniósł błyskawiczny sukces. Przejęcie władzy przez wojsko rozpoczęło ciąg niezwykle turbulentnych wydarzeń o kluczowym znaczeniu dla przyszłości państwa. Za zakończenie owego okresu uznać można 25 listopada 1975 roku.  Wtedy to również wojsko udaremniło kolejną próbę zamachu organizowaną przez oficerów o radykalnie lewicowych poglądach. Celem artykułu jest dokonanie rekonstrukcji przyczyn, które doprowadziły do zamachu oraz omówienie przebiegu wydarzeń między kwietniem 1974 roku a listopadem roku następnego. Okres ten określany jest w artykule mianem Rewolucji goździków. Autor posłużył się metodą studium przypadku, w wariancie ukierunkowanym nie tylko na opis, ale również na zaprezentowanie kontekstu badanego zjawiska. Podłużono się opracowaniami w języku portugalskimi angielskim, a także wyborem portugalskich dokumentów i aktów prawnych. AbstractOn April 25 1974 the military coup d'état aimed at the authoritarian state started in Lisboan. The rebels achieved an instant success. The takeover of power by the military started a series of extremely turbulent events of key importance for the future of the state. The end of this period can be considered November 25 1975. It was also then that the military foiled another attempted conducted by officers with radical leftist views. The aim of the article is to reconstruct the causes that led to the coup d'état in April 1974, to discuss the course of events between April 1974 and November of the following year. The period is referred to in this article as the Revolution cloves. The paper presents the consequences of these events for the further history of the Portugal. The author used the case study method in a variant aimed not only at description but also at presenting the context of the phenomenon under study. The studies in Portuguese and English, as well as the selection of Portuguese documents and legal acts, were extended.  


2020 ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Natalia V. Vorobeva ◽  

The article discusses the state-confessional policy in Omsk region in the 1950–60s on the example of reports of the plenipotentiary of the Council for Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the USSR in Omsk Region. The source base was the funds of the State Archive of the Russian Federation – the P-6991 fund, inventory 3 “The Council for Religious Cults under the Council of Ministers of the USSR. 1944–1960”, which examined the reports of the plenipotentiary of the Council for Religious Cults under the Regional Committee of the CPSU for Omsk Region, as well as documents from the funds of the State Historical Archive of Omsk Region, which provide comparative data on actual religious communities and groups in Omsk Region for the 1950–1960s. Attention is paid to religious identity, methods for its identification by the Soviet official and local authorities. The problems of ethnocultural identity of the Mennonite Germans of Omsk Region are examined: the issues of creating autonomy and mass relocations to the Kazakh SSR in the late 1960s. It raises questions of Soviet identity and religiosity, as well as the problem of violations of the constitutional rights of believing Soviet citizens, in particular Article 124 of the Constitution. Particular attention is paid to issues of religious and anti-religious propaganda during the “Khrushchev persecution” of the church and marking the religious worldview as marginal


Author(s):  
Nataliya V. Tyumeneva ◽  

Introduction. The existence and development of any society is impossible without its spiritual component, which is closely connected with religion, religious values and ideals in Russia. Despite the fact that in the secular Russian state, the official government remains ideologically neutral to all religions, religious denominations and religious organizations, the state and the Church are converging in the socio-cultural space. Theoretical analysis. The interaction between the state and religious organizations is not distorted and does not diminish the importance of the prinicples of the constitutional order bases – a secular state and ideological neutrality of the state, because the interaction has nothing to do with the implementation of state and religious power, does not affect the implementation of the functions and tasks of the state and the Church. Empirical analysis. For the first time, the Constitution of the Russian Federation, through the amendments made in 2020, enshrined religious values and ideals, faith in God as the spiritual and moral foundations of the historical development of the multinational people of Russia. This became possible due to the expansion of the interpretation of the categories of “ideological neutrality” and “secular nature of the state”. Results. The content of the principle of the secular state and its ideological neutrality is based on the religious presence in the public legal sphere.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 155-171
Author(s):  
Mikhail Mityukov

The modernisation of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation in 1993–2000 was a result of the political and legal transformations of the 1990s, and the period of its procedural inaction for a year and a half was by no means time lost. It was used to prepare a new law for the Constitutional Court, which was largely prepared by the Court itself and accompanied by disputes with the State Legal Department of the Russian Federation’s president and various factions of the State Duma of the first assembly (LDPR, KPRF). Discussions were primarily held about the status of the Constitutional Court, such as the Court’s term in office, as well as its number of members, which greatly determined the effectiveness of the future “second” Constitutional Court of the 1993–1995 model and its internal structure. Filling the Constitutional Court’s six vacant seats as defined by the 1993 Constitution was not carried out by electing judges as in the previous legislation, but instead by appointing them to each of the chambers on the suggestion of the head of state. This predetermined an acute political struggle, primarily to establish the procedure for selecting candidates for judicial positions and determining the role of the president in each chamber of the Federal Assembly, the State Duma factions, legal institutions, and scientific communities of legal scholars. The independent “game” of each of these elements delayed the process of starting a functioning Constitutional Court for many months, but the democratic procedure for electing the courts’ heads allowed the issue to resolve without delay.


Author(s):  
Kostis Smyrlis

The chapter provides an overview of the social, political, and economic functions of Byzantine monasteries from the ninth to the fifteenth century. Relations between monasteries and the state, the Church, and lay society were complex. The monks received donations and protection in exchange for various spiritual and material services. The great landowning monasteries engaged in large-scale agrarian production and trade, and they played a substantial role in local and regional economies. Finally, the chapter addresses the fate and significance of monasteries in the long period of crisis that began in the middle of the fourteenth century and ended with the replacement of the Byzantine by the Ottoman Empire.


Author(s):  
Alexander Ponomariov

Abstract In the last few years, the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) has increased its influence over the legislation of the Russian Federation. The ROC transports the ‘divine’ meanings onto secular legal standards, and the state takes over the substantive message of the relevant canon laws. The Russian leadership admitted the establishment of a symphonic relationship with the ROC between 2009 and 2018 in connection with the pontificate of Patriarch Kirill. The “spirit of symphony” stretches even to the new redaction of the Russian Constitution (2020) that speaks about “the faith in God, transmitted by the ancestors” (Art. 671.2), and defines and protects marriage as a heterosexual union (Art. 72.1ж1). Although the church faces certain opposition to its anti-abortion stance, it has managed to lobby some pro-life reservations in procedural law. Besides, the recent close cooperation with the State Duma promises a further rapprochement between the ROC and the Russian state.


Afrika Focus ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emile A. B. van Rouveroy Van Nieuwaal

In recent years, political and other scientists have wondered whether the African One Party system is able to cope with all the problems a modern state administration has to deal with. One of the most intriguing questions is to what extent the One Party Rule, as a political system, produces a structural and fundamental weakness in itself by which an effective (local) government is nearly been obstructed. It is noticeable, however, that in those African States where the (neo)traditional elite still plays an important role, their socio-legal and socio-political position in the day-to-day interaction between the (local) administration has - scientifically - received too little attention. It appears, that chieftaincy possesses a remarkable capacity for adapting itself to social and political changes. The chief can probably fulfil a crucial role in future efforts aimed at socio-economic transformations at regional and even national levels. The Togolese Government, in 1990 started opening the door to a multiparty system, it hereby recognizes the fact that the (neo)traditional elite is an outstanding means to maintain the interaction and the communication between the State and the people.This contribution focuses on the interaction between the State in Togo and - in this very example: the Head of the State himself - and chiefs in North Togo particulary in the district of Sokodé in the period 1989 and 1987 at the moment that the paramount chief of the Tern (Kotokoli) has passed away and his succession to the throne has been the start of a strong, long and vehement struggle for power inside the Tern society and to a negotiation between the Head of State and the traditional political elite of that society. KEY WORDS: African administration, African State, chieftaincy, Togo, One Party System 


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-53
Author(s):  
Andrey V. Bezrukov ◽  
Valery V. Chugaev

The subject. The article investigates historical legal, theoretical-methodological and constitutional-legal problems of the formation and functioning of the institute of the head of state.The purpose of the study is to show how the constitutional functions of the head of state concretize his powers.The study is based on the use of methods of analysis and synthesis, historical legal, formal legal, comparative legal methods, scientific abstraction.The main scientific results. The authors summarize that the historical and legal analysis shows the key role of the head of state in the mechanism of ensuring state unity and law and order. Reality testifies the fact that the role of the President of the Russian Federation creates sufficient constitutional and legal grounds and conditions for the consolidated work of all state authorities, including law enforcement agencies, in the direction of ensuring the unity of state power and constitutional law and order. The indicated directions are in many ways identical, organically interrelated and interdependent, systematically define the main lines of activity of the head of state, contributing to the improvement of the constitutional and legal mechanism for ensuring the rule of law in general. Firstly, the Constitution of the Russian Federation contains only the basic powers of the President of the Russian Federation, which are substantially expanded by the legislator and presidential decrees. Secondly, the President has so-called “hidden”, discretionary powers that are not directly enshrined in the Constitution of the Russian Federation, implicit in it and stem from the sense of presidential functions that manifest themselves in unforeseen extraordinary circumstances. Thus, the constitutional design of a strong presidential power allows the President of the Russian Federation to ensure the unity of the executive power and the exercise of the powers of the federal government throughout the territory of Russia (pt. 4 of Art. 78 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation). Such presidential power is carried out through the issuance of its decrees and orders, the adoption of operational and administrative decisions.Conclusions. The authors noted that the effectiveness of the work of the head of state is especially evident in the state unity and the constitutional and legal mechanism for ensuring the rule of law, which is developed in the constitutional doctrine.


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