scholarly journals "If the bullet in the forehead ...": about manipulative tactics of new phraseologisms of an idiomatic character

Author(s):  
Dmytro Syzonov

The article defines manipulative tactics and strategies used in media with the help of a stylistic potential of a new phraseology. The author argues that one of the bases for the formation of socio-political reality with the help of media discourse is the creation of images of political figures, the formation of which occurs in the process of involving into political communication various stylistic means, particularly, different types of phraseologisms. On the example of A. Yatsenyuk’s speech an analysis of phraseologisms which influence the potential electorate is given. The new political phraseology arises due to extralinguistic factors, among which particularly important are the Orange Revolution of 2004 and the Revolution of Dignity of 2014. An innovative phraseology that emerges in connection with the development of world socio-political events, election campaigns, description of military conflicts etc. is analyzed. On the example of a vivid phraseologism of an idiomatic character “If a bullet in the forehead, then a bullet in the forehead”, expressed by A. Yatsenyuk during the Euromaidan, the models of a successful use of a phraseologism / a transformed phraseologism in political media for different purposes, primarily manipulative, are shown. It is proved that the new phraseology is the most productive specifically in political media, as it acts not on an individual, but on a mass recipient. Among the most effective manipulative tactics in political media, where the innovative phraseology is used, are glittering generalities tactics, name calling tactics, semantic transfer tactics, verbal allusion tactics etc. The role of phraseological innovations within these tactics is so high that journalists who use them achieve not so much informational but a manipulative-strategic target.

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-27
Author(s):  
Pogrebnyak Natalia

AbstractThe precedent phenomenon is estimated as a productive source for creating the language game in the headlines of political media discourse. Headlines based on a language game draw the attention of the reader more quickly. There are often used precedent phenomena, understood as culturally loaded signs, known to a major part of the representatives of the same national community. That is a precedent phenomenon that may serve multiple purposes. We have focused on its effect applied in the headings. The coincidence of the background knowledge of the author and the reader contributes to the hidden influence on the images of politicians formed in the mind of the reader.


Obra digital ◽  
2016 ◽  
pp. 61-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neiky Machado Flores ◽  
Arantxa Capdevilla Gómez

Este artículo toma posición respecto al debate relacionado con la transformación de la comunicación política en escenarios virtuales y el papel de los partidos noveles en dichos cambios. Analiza si las campañas electorales en Twitter del PSOE y de Podemos, previas a las elecciones locales y autonómicas de 2015, aprovechan las potencialidades de interacción online o si mantienen códigos de los medios tradicionales. Para responder a los objetivos, recurre a dos programas informáticos, creados para la descarga automática de tuits y para procesar cuantitativamente los datos. Además se aplican métodos cuantitativos y cualitativos en el análisis de los resultados. Interaction and discussion on Twitter in the Spanish elections of May 2015: technological promise or virtual reality? Abstract In this paper, we take a position regarding the debate on the transformation of political communication in virtual environments and the role of new parties in these changes. We analyse whether the election campaigns of PSOE and Podemos on Twitter, before the local and autonomous elections of 2015, exploited the potential of online interaction or if traditional media codes were maintained. To meet the objectives, we use two programmes: one to automatically download tweets, and another to process the data quantitatively. We also apply quantitative and qualitative methods for analysing the results. Keywords: elections, campaign, Twitter, interaction, innovation  


Author(s):  
Vyacheslav D. Shevchenko ◽  
Nina A. Tribunskaya

This article is devoted to the study of the discursive structures of political texts published on Twitter of the President of the United States. The material of the study was the statements of Donald Trump and Joe Biden during the period from November 1, 2019 to August 31, 2021. Its multimillion audience of subscribers makes Twitter a powerful political tool with the ability to influence public opinion. The purpose of this article is to identify the discursive structures arising in political communication as a result of the actualization of the category of discursive heterogeneity, which includes elements of interdiscursiveness and polydiscursiveness. The authors use various methods: descriptive, contextual analysis, comparative, methods of observation, content analysis and discourse analysis. Using the linguistic concept of the American scientist D. Himes S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G, the analysis of the situation components Setting and scene, Participants, Ends, Act Sequence, Key, Instrumentalities, Norms, Genre is carried out. Being a part of the media discourse and demonstrating the features of the Internet genre, the written messages of politicians are laconic, expressive, and tend to economize on linguistic means. The same communicants, depending on the context of utterances, become participants in different types of discourses. The study analyzes the foreign and domestic political discourses, the security discourse, as well as a number of accompanying special discourses that constitute political communication. The choice of the subject matter of the messages is due to the high degree of importance of issues of foreign and domestic policy, as well as stability and security.


Author(s):  
Catherine Ingrassia

Eliza Haywood’s index The Female Spectator (1744–6) does not include an entry for ‘war’. Yet that periodical like The Parrot (1746), published in the middle of a tumultuous decade in which Britain was involved in global military conflicts as well as a violent domestic rebellion, clearly engages the discourse of war. Catherine Ingrassia’s essay explores the role of war – and its attendant political dimensions – in the Female Spectator and the Parrot and reveals how each periodical engages the subject in distinctly different ways. The Female Spectator, which discusses the complex events known War of the Austrian Succession (1740–8) and many specific incidents that received extensive publicity, often seamlessly weaves descriptions of soldiers, military commanders, military equipment, battles, and political events into broader discussions of cultural, social, and political events. By contrast, the Parrot discusses global and domestic military events. Reading the war in both these periodicals, Ingrassia contends, enriches our understanding of Haywood and her strategic structuring of her periodicals, and also complicates women’s periodicals of this time.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Lorenc Ligori

In recent election campaigns in Albania, whether general or local, party leaders have become increasingly important. There is a dominance of party leaders in political communication in an electoral campaign. Increasingly the media focus is on leading individuals, neglecting parties and collective identities. Political leaders now serve as a shortcut to informing the electorate. But why does this happen? Is this a feature of the Albanian electoral reality or a trend and influence from developed democracies? What are some of the specific circumstances in the country that enabled this change? Is it a demand from the electorate or an imposition on it? What role does media play in this regard? These and other matters related to it such as: how the party leaders are elected, internal party democracy issues, the methods and tactics of campaign organization, the role of electoral rules and the type of electoral system, etc. shall be briefly addressed in this paper, which is based on observations and analysis of three election campaigns, two general elections (2017 - 2021) and one local (2015).


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 605-618 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro C Magalhães ◽  
John H Aldrich ◽  
Rachel K Gibson

Mobilization efforts by parties and candidates during election campaigns tend to reach those who are more likely to vote in the first place. This is thought to be particularly consequential for turnout among the young. Harder and less cost-effective to reach, young adults are less mobilized and vote less often, creating a vicious circle of demobilization. However, new forms of political communication—including online and text messaging—have created expectations this circle might be broken. Is this happening? We examine data from Module 4 of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems surveys, looking at the prevalence of different types of party contacts in 38 countries, the profile of voters who are reached, and the effects of these efforts on turnout. New forms of party contacting do matter for turnout and partially reduce the age gap in contacting, but still fail to compensate for the much larger differentials that persist in traditional forms of contacting.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vaclav Stetka ◽  
Paweł Surowiec ◽  
Jaromír Mazák

Adding to the growing scholarship on the use and role of social media in election campaigning, this article examines and compares the character and determinants of Internet users’ engagement with political party communication in 2013 and 2015 Parliamentary election campaigns in Czechia and Poland. Apart from the relationship between the thematic focus of party-produced content and the level of users’ interactivity, the study also explores the way the tonality of users’ comments is influenced by different types of party communication, as well as by users’ gender. The results suggest that the level of support for a party status is largely independent of the content of the message in both countries. The type of content has, however, an effect on the intensity of criticism by the users, with policy-related subjects generating more negativity than mobilization- or campaign-oriented statuses. Finally, the study points to both gender gaps and gender as a strong predictor of user negativity, as female users – while constituting a minority of participants in both countries – tend to be significantly less negative in their comments towards the home party. Overall, the comparative study reveals both similarities and differences in the way Czech and Polish parties utilize Facebook as campaign platform, as well as in their respective Internet users’ engagement with parties messages.


2012 ◽  
Vol 59 ◽  
pp. 73-83
Author(s):  
Renata Matkevičienė

Jau gerą pusę šimtmečio mokslininkų tyrimais yra įrodyta, jog žiniasklaida yra aktyvi politinio diskurso dalyvė ir konstruotoja. Praėjusio šimtmečio pabaigoje įsivyravus internetinei žiniasklaidai matomi ir žiniasklaidos turinio formavimo bei informacijos pateikimo pasikeitimai. Įsivyravus informacinėms technologijoms, keičiasi ne tik žiniasklaida, jos veikla, kuriamas ir skleidžiamas turinys, bet ir komunikacija, į kurią yra įtraukti ir kiti viešosios erdvės veikėjai – visuomenė ir politikai. Pastarųjų sąveika politikos komunikacijos sistemoje geriausiai atsispindi būtent per žiniasklaidoje pateikiamą informaciją, jos pranešimų poveikį ir pan., nes daugiausia tik dėl žiniasklaidoje pateikiamų pranešimų yra įmanomas visuomenės informuotumas apie politiką, taip pat tik žiniasklaida įtraukia visuomenę į politinių sprendimų priėmimą ar diskusiją apie politines problemas, priimamus sprendimus. Šiame straipsnyje nėra kvestionuojamas žiniasklaidos, taip pat ir internetinės žiniasklaidos, vaidmuo, jos svarba ar poveikiai, straipsnyje yra teigiama, kad žiniasklaida, o ypač internetinė, yra aktyvi politinės komunikacijos dalyvė, įtraukianti į aktyvią komunikaciją ir politikus per jų pasisakymams suteikiamą erdvę. Dėl šių veiksmų, internetinėje žiniasklaidoje pastebimas ne tik žiniasklaidos formuojamas politinis turinys, bet ir pačių politikų konstruojamas politinis diskursas, kurį žiniasklaida tik moderuoja. Šio straipsnio tikslas – ištirti ir nustatyti internetinėje žiniasklaidoje pateikiamo politinio diskurso kaitą. Aptariamas žiniasklaidos vaidmuo ir jo kaita politikos diskurso konstruotojamame politikos komunikacijos kontekste, taip pat siekiama nustatyti internetinės žiniasklaidos politinio diskurso, konstruojamo pačių politikos veikėjų, kaitą.Changes in the Political Discourse Constructed by the Lithuanian Internet MediaRenata Matkevičienė Summary In the end of the last century when the social media became an important part of the media system, there oceurzed changes in constructing the content the of media and spread of information, as well as news creation, selection and delivery.Changes that occurred in the media because of new information technologies could be seen not only in the mass media, journalism, but also in communication in general, because those changes involved all participants of the public sphere: the media, politicians and citizens. In the system of political communication, the interaction of these participants could be seen via the news that are delivered, and their effects: society receives information about politics and participates in discussions about it. In the article, the role and effects of the Internet are not questioned, because the Internet media are an active participant of political communication; they involve politicians into communication processes, providing space for their voices (publications).The aim of this article is to analyse the change of political discourse in the Internet media content.In the article, the role of the media and its change are discussed in the context of social constructivist theoretical approach; also the political discourse constructed by and in the internet media is analyzed in search of changes in the construction of political discourse, introduced by politicians into the Internet media.The main conclusions made in the article are as follows: 1) the use of the internet by politicians as an arena for discussions is increasing, 2) the main topics discussed by politicians in the internet are politics, economy, energy and social policy, 3) the ways in which politicians are discussing political issues differ depending on the number of years that a politician participates in the political arena, the topic or issue under discussion, 4) economic and political issues are discussed in more sophisticated ways in comparison with discussions of social policy issues which are presented in a very simple, clear way with the arguments that stress the aspects important for society or for some specific groups of citizens, 5) in presenting ideas and in discussions, the politicians prefer to present their own the position instead of presenting position of a political party. These main research findings lead to some conclusions about changes in the political discourse, but they also show quite a strong and manipulative role of the Internet media in selecting politicians and their publications, so it shows that there is still a strong role of the Internet media in constructing the political reality and presenting this “window” to political reality, which is strongly influenced by the position of the media.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-61
Author(s):  
Els De Bens

Most research reveals that television mainly confirms and re-inforces the existing party-preferences. Despite these findings, public opinion and especially politicians still believe in the direct effect of television on voter-decisions. Same researchers, among whom E. Noelle-Neumann, have given empirical evidence of strong influence of television on voter attitudes hut their findings have been widely contested.In recent years the topic is approached in a different way. The role of television in election campaigns was assessed in a broader context in combination with other social factors and attention was no langer focused on the short term effect. The very high exposure to election programmes on television raises questions of motivation and use : for information, for entertainment, or as by-product of the television attachment. These different motivations imply different uses and consequently different effects, presenting a dillemma for broadcasters and politicians who have to produce programmes for all types of viewers. Many authors claim however that both broadcasters (because of ratings) and politicians (because of the increasing number of floating voters) give in to the spectacular-entertainment side: more exciting debates, more shows, more uniformization of the political message. It should be stressed however, that television being the main source of political communication inelection periods, it can also re-open the issue of participation. Reinforcement of party-preference through television viewing can have a mobilizing effect, as latent party-preference can be turned into manifest voting behaviour.Finally the rules of the publicly controlled broadcasting institutions concerning election campaigns have undoubtedly had an institutional effect ; access and viewing-time are alloted according to the relative strength of political parties.


2021 ◽  
Vol 94 ◽  
pp. 03002
Author(s):  
Yulia Eremenko ◽  
Anna Chentsova ◽  
Anastasiia Kuzmenko

It is proposed to use objective methods to assess the perception of visual political content for planning an effective communication strategy by the actors of political power Two experiments were conducted in the work. The first one investigates the visual attention and memorization of different types of political content (memes, photographs of political leaders, photographs of political events and posters) by young people based on the oculographic method. The second experiment is aimed at studying the emotional reactions of young people to the perception of political video content of different genres: humorous, video memes, speech of a political leader and disgusting video. An adapted version of the Differentiated Emotions Scale (DES) was used for the evaluation.


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