scholarly journals Moscow region Fili in the 1920s.

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 40-60
Author(s):  
Mikhail F. Prokhorov ◽  

The author examines socio-economic and cultural provisions of the Fili, located in the Western suburb of Moscow of during the nep. Topic for the study area in scientific and local history the literature was practically not studied. The source base was documents extracted from archives Moscow and newly introduced in scientific - research agreements, protocol, statements, resolutions and instructions to deputies. Sources allow you to determine features of peasant occupations agriculture, small scale artisanal fisheries, trade. Special attention is paid to on the establishment of industrial production, its industry focus. Documents reflecting the activities at Fili concession of enterprise the firm Junkers, let us find out the forms and methods governance and relationships foreign companies with Soviet power. The article also explains the state of improvement, life and leisure local population. The conclusion of the article emphasizes the temporary the nature of the nep and its collapse by the late 1920s.

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 74-88
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Larichev ◽  
Emil Markwart

Local government as a political, legal and social institution finds itself in a very difficult period of development in Russia. The long-established tendency of its subordination to the state has intensified today in connection with the newly adopted constitutional amendments. At the same time, it seems obvious that further “embedding” of local government into the state management vertical, in the absence of any positive effect in terms of solving socio-economic and infrastructural problems, will inevitably lead to other hard to reverse, negative results both for local government institutions and the system of public authority as a whole. The normal functioning of local government requires, however, not only the presence of its sufficient institutional and functional autonomy from the state, but also an adequate territorial and social base for its implementation. To ensure the formation of viable territorial collectives, especially in urban areas, it seems appropriate to promote the development of self-government based on local groups at the intra-municipal level. Such local groups can independently manage issues of local importance on a small scale (landscaping, social volunteering, and neighborly mutual assistance), and provide, within the boundaries of a local territory, due civil control over the maintenance by municipal authorities of more complex and large-scale local issues (repair and development of infrastructure, removal of solid household waste and more). At the same time, the development of local communities can by no means be a self-sufficient and substitutional mechanism, whose introduction would end the need for democracy in the full scope of municipal structures overall. In this regard, the experience of local communities’ development in Germany, a state with legal traditions similar to Russian ones, with a centuries-old history of the development of territorial communities and a difficult path to building democracy and forming civil society, seems to be very interesting. Here, the progressive development of local forms of democracy and the participation of residents in local issue management are combined with stable mechanisms of municipal government, and the interaction of municipalities with the state does not torpedo the existing citizen forms of self-government. At the same time, the experience of Germany shows that the decentralization of public issue management which involves the local population can only be effective in a situation where, in addition to maintaining a full-fledged self-government mechanism at the general municipal level, relevant local communities are endowed with real competence and resources to influence local issue decision-making. The role of formalized local communities in urban areas, as the German experience shows, can not only facilitate the decentralization of solving public problems, but can also help in timely elimination of triggers for mobilizing citywide supercollectives with negative agendas. This experience seems useful and applicable in the Russian context.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 243
Author(s):  
Jasper Abembia Ayelazuno ◽  
Lord Mawuko-Yevugah

<p>The article draws on the insights of political ecology to illuminate the politics shaping the enforcement of environmental regulation in the mining sector of Ghana. We argue that the Ghanaian state uses strong-arm measures against artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) operators, particularly, the subaltern classes engaged in the industry for survival. Periodically, the state deploys the military and the police to clamp down on ASM for destroying the environment, but treats with kid gloves foreign companies engaged in large-scale mining (LSM), wreaking similar disastrous ecological effects on mining communities. The state believes that LSM by foreign companies is a source of foreign direct investment (FDI) and foreign mining companies should be incentivized to come and stay in the country. Presented in broad-brush strokes as illegal (<em>galamsey</em>), the Ghanaian state sees ASM as an environmental menace to be fought with all the coercive apparatuses that it can command. Disputing this claim, the article argues that mining-FDI is essentially ecological imperialism, wreaking havoc on the ecosystem of mining communities whose livelihood strategies are in conflict with the accumulation and political interests of foreign mining companies and the Ghanaian political class respectively. The article demonstrates that concerns over the harmful impacts of mining on the ecology of Ghana are neither class-neutral nor free of politics. They are rather highly imbricated in power structures and relations, in which the interest of the ruling class is supreme in the enforcement of environmental regulations in Ghana. The paradox of the biases of the Ghanaian state against ASM, particularly ASM operated by its own citizens for survival, and in favor of foreign mining companies engaged in LSM for profits, is explained with the insights of ecological imperialism.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Large-scale mining, artisanal and small-scale mining, Operation Vanguard, Ghanaian state biases, ecological imperialism</p>


Author(s):  
Sergei V. Lyovin

The Civil War is one of the largest tragedies in the history of our country. One of its dramatic episodes is the rebel movement led by A.S. Antonov which took place in the Tambov gubenia in 1920–1921 and was brutally suppressed by the Bolsheviks. Its scope is evidenced by the fact that it went beyond the borders of the Tambov gubernia. Separate detachments of Antonovites from the autumn of 1920 to the summer of 1921 raided the territory of the Balashov uyezd of the neighboring Saratov gubernia. The paper attempts to consider the way the uyezd authorities fought the rebels and the way civilians treated them. On the basis of an analysis of the local archival material most of which has not yet been put into scientific circulation, periodicals and the local history literature the author comes to the following conclusion: every time the invasions of Antonov’s detachments into the territory of the Balashov uyezd were so rapid that the local authorities did not manage to organize a proper rebuff, and the peasants, for the most part, supported the rebels since they saw spokesmen and defenders of their interests in them. Only frequent requisitions of peasants’ property by Antonovites as well as the replacement of the surplus appropriation system (Prodrazvyorstka) by the tax in kind (Prodnalog) led to the fact that since the spring of 1921 the support of the rebels by the local population ceased.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 2026 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stella Sofia I. Kyvelou ◽  
Dimitrios G. Ierapetritis

Small-scale fisheries in the Mediterranean represent a significant part of the fisheries industry and their substantial social, economic and place attachment related role has always been acknowledged in the region. Despite the fact that this usually family-based endeavor has a vast economic impact on coastal and island communities of the sea-basin, data and insights on the Mediterranean artisanal fisheries continue to be inadequately developed and poorly integrated in the local development strategies. Thus, the aim of this research is two-fold. Firstly, it presents some data and facts on the fisheries sector in the region and secondly it explores the options of their survival, prosperity and sustainability, approaching the combination of fisheries and tourism as a small-scale and soft “multi-use” in the marine space. Greece, with a huge potential in both the fisheries and the tourism sector, was used as focus area where a co-development process was designed aiming to identify advantages/potentials and challenges/disadvantages of the co-existence of artisanal fisheries and tourism, as perceived by a series of stakeholders including the co-management schemes (Fisheries Local Action Groups, FLAGs) in the country. Key conclusion is that sustainable livelihood from small-scale fisheries depends on the correlation between fisheries and other marine activities. Despite some limitations, this can boost sustainable local development and be a unique pattern of a “win-win” and soft multi-use marine spatial planning (MSP), with economic, environmental, social, cultural and governance related benefits for the coastal communities.


Histories ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 108-121
Author(s):  
Satoshi Murayama ◽  
Hiroko Nakamura

Jan de Vries revised Akira Hayami’s original theory of the “Industrious Revolution” to make the idea more applicable to early modern commercialization in Europe, showcasing the development of the rural proletariat and especially the consumer revolution and women’s emancipation on the way toward an “Industrial Revolution.” However, Japanese villages followed a different path from the Western trajectory of the “Industrious Revolution,” which is recognized as the first step to industrialization. This article will explore how a different form of “industriousness” developed in Japan, covering medieval, early modern, and modern times. It will first describe why the communal village system was established in Japan and how this unique institution, the self-reliance system of a village, affected commercialization and industrialization and was sustained until modern times. Then, the local history of Kuta Village in Kyô-Otagi, a former county located close to Kyoto, is considered over the long term, from medieval through modern times. Kuta was not directly affected by the siting of new industrial production bases and the changes brought to villages located nearer to Kyoto. A variety of diligent interactions with living spaces is introduced to demonstrate that the industriousness of local women was characterized by conscience-driven perseverance.


Südosteuropa ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-195
Author(s):  
Petru Negură

Abstract The Centre for the Homeless in Chișinău embodies on a small scale the recent evolution of state policies towards the homeless in Moldova (a post-Soviet state). This institution applies the binary approach of the state, namely the ‘left hand’ and the ‘right hand’, towards marginalised people. On the one hand, the institution provides accommodation, food, and primary social, legal assistance and medical care. On the other hand, the Shelter personnel impose a series of disciplinary constraints over the users. The Shelter also operates a differentiation of the users according to two categories: the ‘recoverable’ and those deemed ‘irrecoverable’ (persons with severe disabilities, people with addictions). The personnel representing the ‘left hand’ (or ‘soft-line’) regularly negotiate with the employees representing the ‘right hand’ (‘hard-line’) of the institution to promote a milder and a more humanistic approach towards the users. This article relies on multi-method research including descriptive statistical analysis with biographical records of 810 subjects, a thematic analysis of in-depth interviews with homeless people (N = 65), people at risk of homelessness (N = 5), professionals (N = 20) and one ethnography of the Shelter.


2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chiang Bo-wei

Abstract From 1949, Quemoy became the battlefront between the warring Nationalists and Communists as well as the frontline between Cold War nations. Under military rule, social and ideological control suppressed the community power of traditional clans and severed their connection with fellow countrymen living abroad. For 43 long years up until 1992, Quemoy was transformed from an open hometown of the Chinese diaspora into a closed battlefield and forbidden zone. During the war period, most of the Quemoy diasporic Chinese paid close attention to the state of their hometown including the security of their family members and property. In the early 1950s, they tried to keep themselves informed of the situation in Quemoy through any available medium and build up a new channel of remittances. Furthermore, as formal visits of the overseas Chinese were an important symbol of legitimacy for the KMT, Quemoy emigrants had been invited by the military authority to visit their hometown since 1950. This was in fact the only channel for the Chinese diaspora to go home. Using official files, newspapers and records of oral histories, this article analyzes the relationship between the Chinese diaspora and the battlefield, Quemoy, and takes a look at the interactions between family and clan members of the Chinese diaspora during 1949-1960s. It is a discussion of a special intermittence and continuity of local history.


2013 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-161
Author(s):  
Christian Klösch

In March 1938 the National Socialists seized power in Austria. One of their first measures against the Jewish population was to confiscate their vehicles. In Vienna alone, a fifth of all cars were stolen from their legal owners, the greatest auto theft in Austrian history. Many benefited from the confiscations: the local population, the Nazi Party, the state and the army. Car confiscation was the first step to the ban on mobility for Jews in the German Reich. Some vehicles that survived World War II were given back to the families of the original owners. The research uses a new online database on Nazi vehicle seizures.


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