scholarly journals Information Openness of the State and Municipal Service: Panopticon Model

Lex Russica ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 70-77
Author(s):  
E. A. Koval ◽  
M. V. Palchikova
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Expert Knowledge ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
The State ◽  
Municipal Service ◽  
The Public ◽  
Municipal Employees ◽  
Big Data Technologies ◽  
Control Procedures ◽  
The Government

The paper is devoted to the study of prospects and regulatory limitations of the development of the concept ‘information openness of the state and municipal services’. The authors focus on how the public function affects the activities of state and municipal employees not only in but also out the service. The principle of openness of the state and municipal service in modern society obliges to take a responsible approach to any information posted publicly on the Internet, even if it is not related to the service. Big data technologies and the analytical capabilities of neural networks allow us to collect information from various sources and deanonymize them by comparing them. As a result, any state and municipal employee who is present in the public space can be subjected to public control procedures at any time. The panopticon model is used as an explanatory model. It is transformed in the conditions of digitalization of modern society. Alongside the synopticum, the panopticon expands the supervisory capabilities of the government, but at the same time makes its representatives visible to the mass "observer". The model of a new panopticon determines the risks of the emergence and reproduction of social tension and distrust between the authorities and the population. This is also as any member of the public can act as an expert without having expert knowledge and skills. In order to avoid the termination of the information openness development of the power in the new panopticon, it seems promising to educate the citizens in the area of regulatory (legal and moral) grounds for the state and municipal employees’ activities. It is important to include rules governing the presence of the authorities in social media and determine the degree of responsibility of those violating the rules of behavior in public space into the administrative ethics codes.

scholarly journals Civil Sector of State Governance: New Forms of Self-Organization and the Community’s Participation in the Context of Digitization of the Public Space

2021 ◽  
pp. 67-75
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Solov'ev ◽  
Galina Pushkareva
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Public Space ◽  
The State ◽  
Self Organization ◽  
The Public ◽  
State Management ◽  
State Governance ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Civil Sector

As digital technologies develop, a new form of relations between the state and the public is developing as well. Additional opportunities for the expression of public interests and the establishment of values preferred by the society arise, new mechanisms of political mobilization develop, new forms of public organization and self-organization emerge, the social media gain more power, and local and general public narrative develop on a number of online platforms. With the digitization of the public space, the state is forced to change its communication strategies and improve the dialogue between the government and the society based on deliberative democracy principles. After analysing the architecture of public communication emerging in new conditions the paper concludes that Russia is making certain efforts to adapt for the new digitized reality. However, current state priorities are shifting towards e-government and the digital economy. On the one hand, it seems justified, as it allows to bring the public services to a completely new level, reduce corruption risks, and simplify state management of economic processes. On the other hand, the lack of due attention to the issues of openness of public administration and involvement of citizens in making public decisions results in accumulation of contradictions in the public area of public administration, as well as increasing mutual misunderstanding and distrust between the state bodies and the civil society, which may entail bursts of social discontent and protests.

Performing Artivism: Feminists, Lawyers, and Online Legal Mobilization in China

2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 678-705
Author(s):  
Di Wang ◽  
Sida Liu
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The State ◽  
Legal Mobilization ◽  
The Public ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Performance Arts ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere

In authoritarian contexts where the state is the primary performer in the public sphere and legal mobilization is constrained and repressed, activists often seek to carve out a public space to confront the frontstage and backstage of the state’s performance in order to pursue collective action. Comparing the online legal mobilization of feminist and lawyer activists in China, this article investigates how performance arts are used by activists to challenge the authoritarian state in the age of social media. Performing “artivism” is to create conspicuous spectacles in the public eye for the purposes of exposing the state’s illegal or repressive backstage actions or promoting alternative values and norms different from the official ideology. By subversively disrupting the evidential boundaries set by the state, Chinese activists have been able to gain momentum and public support for their legal mobilization. However, it was precisely the success of their artivism that contributed to the government crackdowns on both feminists and lawyers in 2015.

‘Party in the street’: The partisan politics of space

2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110338
Author(s):  
David Jenkins ◽  
Lipin Ram
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Public Space ◽  
State Power ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere

Public space is often understood as an important ‘node’ of the public sphere. Typically, theorists of public space argue that it is through the trust, civility and openness to others which citizens cultivate within a democracy’s public spaces, that they learn how to relate to one another as fellow members of a shared polity. However, such theorizing fails to articulate how these democratic comportments learned within public spaces relate to the public sphere’s purported role in holding state power to account. In this paper, we examine the ways in which what we call ‘partisan interventions’ into public space can correct for this gap. Using the example of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPIM), we argue that the ways in which CPIM partisans actively cultivate sites of historical regional importance – such as in the village of Kayyur – should be understood as an aspect of the party’s more general concern to present itself to citizens as an agent both capable and worthy of wielding state power. Drawing on histories of supreme partisan contribution and sacrifice, the party influences the ideational background – in competition with other parties – against which it stakes its claims to democratic legitimacy. In contrast to those theorizations of public space that celebrate its separateness from the institutions of formal democratic politics and the state more broadly, the CPIM’s partisan interventions demonstrate how parties’ locations at the intersections of the state and civil society can connect the public sphere to its task of holding state power to account, thereby bringing the explicitly political questions of democratic legitimacy into the everyday spaces of a political community.

Multi-occupation segregation through London's tube network

2021 ◽  
pp. 0308518X2110271
Author(s):  
Yao Shen ◽  
Yiyi Xu ◽  
Zhuoya Huang
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Transport System ◽  
Public Transport ◽  
Social Performance ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
City Centre ◽  
Segregation Index ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Transport System ◽  
Transfer Stations

As an extension of public space, the public transport system in modern society is an arena for cross-group interactions. Uncovering social segregation in public transport space is an essential step in shaping a socially sustainable transport system. Based on 2011 origin–destination flow data for London, we simulate the working flows between each pair of connected tube stations for every occupation with minimised transfer times and travelling hours and calculate the multi-occupation segregation index for all tube stations and segments. This segregation index captures the density and diversity aspects of the working population. The results demonstrate that segregation levels vary significantly across stations, lines, and segments. Transfer stations and tube segments in the city centre do not necessarily have lower levels of segregation. Those stations or segments close to a terminus can also be socially inclusive, e.g., Heathrow. Victoria is the line with the lowest levels of segregation, and Green Park is the most socially inclusive station during commuting peaks. The proposed mapping approach demonstrates the spatial complexity in the social performance of the public transport system and provides a tool for implementing relevant policy with improved precision.

The 1912 Duma Elections: The State, the Opposition and the Clergy

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.

scholarly journals Minister-Permanent Secretary Relationships: Lessons from Zimbabwe’s Government of national Unity

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Large Degree ◽  
The State ◽  
Team Work ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Unity ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.

scholarly journals PERANAN NEGARA DAN HUKUM DALAM MEMBERANTAS KEMISKINAN DENGAN MEWUJUDKAN KESEJAHTERAAN UMUM

2010 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 390
Author(s):  
Yohanes Suhardin
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Welfare ◽  
The Public ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Strategic Role ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Legal Product

AbstrakThe role of the state in combating poverty is very strategic. Combatingpoverty means to free citizens who are poor. The strategic role given thenational ideals (read: state) is the creation of public welfare. Therefore,countries in this regard the government as the organizer of the state musthold fast to the national ideals through legal product that is loaded withsocial justice values in order to realize common prosperity. Therefore, thenature of the law is justice, then in the context of the state, the lawestablished for the creation of social justice. Law believed that social justiceas the path to the public welfare so that the Indonesian people in a relativelyshort time to eradicate poverty.

New Forms of Antisemitism, the Law, and the Politics of Gender and Sexuality in Contemporary France

2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Natacha Chetcuti-Osorovitz ◽  
Fabrice Teicher
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Gender And Sexuality ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
Same Sex Couples ◽  
Political Traditions ◽  
Lgbt People

Abstract Since 2012, hundreds of thousands of people mobilized and demonstrated against a French law that made both marriage and adoption possible for same-sex couples. In these demonstrations, seemingly heterogeneous groups and political traditions came together against those they saw as common enemies, namely Jews, LGBT people and feminists. Are these paradoxical alliances new? How have they transformed the public space and the imaginary of citizenship? The analysis of these activist repertoires shows that the ethos of anti-modernism, which has historically characterized reactionary groups, expressed itself through an obsessive focus and fear of the alleged undoing of gender, which is seen as emblematic of a post-modern society. Whether online or in demonstrations, a collection of political actors, ranging from the far-right to post-colonial second-generation groups, join forces in denouncing mass media, capitalism, and human rights, which they believe to be avatars of the decadence of their postmodern world. Their activism has reshaped the French political landscape.

scholarly journals Reforming Energy Subsidy in Kuwait: Maximizing Net Benefits and Equity Complying

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. A. Alolayan ◽  
◽  
F. M. Albarrak ◽  
M. H. Abotalib ◽  
M. A. Alshawaf ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Equilibrium Point ◽  
Reading Program ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Acceptance ◽  
The Public ◽  
New Strategy ◽  
Net Benefits ◽  
The Government ◽  
The State Of Kuwait ◽  
Energy Subsidy

The net benefits and public acceptance for a proposed reform to the current subsidization of energy in the State of Kuwait was investigated in this study. The proposed subsidization suggests that the government pays the consumers the subsidization cost in advance and in exchange for raising the subsidized tariffs to full price. The consumption will likely be reduced by a rate equals the over consumption due to the current subsidized tariffs in relative to the income. The net benefits is expected to be maximized and shifted to a pseudo-equilibrium point where both the governments and the consumers will be better off financially. The public acceptance toward the proposed strategy was examined using 274 voluntarily one-to-one interviews for gasoline and 121 for electricity and water. Also, a utilities meters reading program was conducted on 90 houses out of the 121 interviews for utilities. The interviews for gasoline and utilities indicated 57% and 66% of the respondents see no equity in the current subsidization, 55% and 80% admitted to overuse, and 11% and 21% averages of the over consumptions, and 67% and 66% of the respondents were willing to adopt the new strategy. The consumer is expected to save 912 USD/year from gasoline, and 8,198 USD/year from utilities. The estimated net benefits is 5,841 million USD annually with 62% attributed to utilities benefits and 38% to gasoline benefits.

scholarly journals MEMBANGUN AKUNTABILITAS ORGANISASI BANTUAN HUKUM

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Mosgan Situmorang
Keyword(s):  
Secondary Data ◽  
The State ◽  
Legal Services ◽  
Not Given ◽  
Legal Aid ◽  
State Budget ◽  
The Public ◽  
Primary Material ◽  
The Government ◽  
Secondary Materials

<p>Dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 16 Tahun 2011 tentang Bantuan Hukum dikatakan bahwa pemberi bantuan hukum adalah lembaga bantuan hukum atau organisasi kemasyarakatan yang memberi layanan bantuan hukum. Jasa hukum yang diberikan kepada penerima bantuan hukum adalah cuma-cuma, dalam ar Ɵ mereka Ɵ dak mendapat upah dari pihak yang dibantunya, namun pemerintah akan memberikan dana bantuan untuk se Ɵ ap kasus yang ditangani yang besarnya disesuaikan dengan jenis kasusnya. Dana bantuan tersebut memang Ɵ dak akan diberikan kepada semua organisasi bantuan hukum, tetapi hanya kepada organisasi bantuan hukum yang sudah memenuhi syarat sesuai dengan Undang-Undang Bantuan Hukum. Karena dana tersebut berasal dari Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Negara, maka tentu saja akuntabilitas organisasi bantuan hukum yang menerima dana tersebut harus dapat dipertanggung jawaban kepada masyarakat. Tulisan ini adalah berupa kajian norma Ɵ f, dengan demikian data yang digunakan adalah data sekunder berupa bahan primer yakni peraturan perundang undangan, utamanya Undang-Undang Nomor 16 Tahun 2011 dan undang- undang lain yang terkait serta bahan sekunder berupa bahan kepustakaan dan data dari internet. Dalam peneli Ɵ an ini disimpulkan bahwa Undang- Undang Bantuan Hukum sudah dapat mengan Ɵ sipasi perlunya akuntabilitas organisasi bantuan hukum tapi masih perlu di Ɵ ngkatkan dengan cara membuat aturan-aturan yang mendukung terciptanya akuntabilitas tersebut terutama peraturan mengenai standar bantuan hukum.</p><p>In Law No. 16 Year 2011 regarding Legal Aid, stated that legal aid provider is a legal aid organiza Ɵ on or community organiza Ɵ ons that provide legal aid services. Legal services provided by the legal aid organiza Ɵ on is free in the sense that they do not get paid from those who helped. However, the government will provide fi nancial assistance for each case handled that amount is in accordance with the type of case. The grant is not given to all legal aid organiza Ɵ ons but only to a legal aid organiza Ɵ on that has been quali fi ed in accordance with the Legal Aid Act. Because these funds come from the state budget of course accountability of legal aid organiza Ɵ ons receiving funds must be able to be an answer to the public. This paper is a norma Ɵ ve review, thus the data used are secondary data from the primary material i.e laws and regula Ɵ ons, especially Law No. 16 of 2011 and other laws related and secondary materials in the form of the literature and data from the internet.This study concluded that the Legal Aid Act was able to an Ɵ cipate the need for accountability of legal aid organiza Ɵ ons but it is need to be improved by making rules that favor the crea Ɵ on of accountability mainly standard rules regarding legal aid.</p>

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