scholarly journals Upaya Dewan Pimpinan Daerah Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan dalam Mentransformasikan Nilai-Nilai Pancasila pada Kader

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Arif Prasetyo Wibowo

This study discussed the purpose of political education for the Regional Leadership Council of the Indonesian Democratic Party of struggle in West Java Province, the relationship of the party’s platform to the values of Pancasila, and the approaches, methods, and media used by the party in growing Pancasila values to its cadres. This study used a qualitative approach with case studies. Data collection was done through observation, interviews, and documentation. Data analysis used interactive analysis. The results of this study were political education carried out by political parties to their cadres was a process of political socialization to improve the quality of human resources owned by the West Java Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan Party Regional Board. The relationship between the party platform and Pancasila values was a process of political education in which cadres were given new knowledge, understanding, and experience in transforming their political values and orientation towards the expected ideal system. The approaches, methods, and media carried out by political parties were carried out through the recruitment of political parties to ensure the sustainability and preservation of political parties.

The Forum ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Baker

AbstractIn the wake of the Bi-Partisan Campaign Finance Reform Act of 2002 and subsequent rulings by the Supreme Court, American political parties face greater regulation than interest groups in terms of their ability to finance federal elections. While parties continue to be constrained by contribution limits, nearly all interest groups can now raise and spend money in unlimited amounts to influence elections. Further, many new groups formed to take advantage of these legal changes. Few studies address the ramifications of these developments for political parties’ fundraising capabilities. To see whether these disadvantages hamper party fundraising, I examine parties’ direct fundraising costs overtime and I use structural equation analysis to investigate the giving habits of party donors overtime. I find the fundraising cost of each dollar raised has risen and habitual party donors provide significant support to Super PACs. Habitual party donors have also become less consistent givers in the Democratic Party. I discuss the relationship of these findings to changes in party fundraising tactics and their implications for future efforts by the parties to maintain their revenue streams.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 391-404
Author(s):  
Nur Khasanah ◽  
Achmad Irwan Hamzani

AbstractThis study discusses the relation between religion and democracy; critical examination of the existence of Islamic parties in Indonesia. This study is a qualitative study based on library (library research). The approach used is descriptive qualitative which aims to illustrate or describe the reality that exists or what is happening or the actual reality of the object under study. Then interpreted in the form of a report. The approach used is the cultural anthropology approach. The results of this study indicate that Muslims interpret the relationship of religion and democracy to occur in three models, namely the negative, neutral and positive models. In the context of Islamic political parties in Indonesia, the basic problem is the inability of parties to package democratic issues, starting from the emergence of religious sentiment, politicization of religion, political pragmatism in PKS parties. Furthermore, the PPP party has problems with party regeneration, leadership dualism, and political attitudes. Whereas the UN party is seen in the absence of a leader figure and political culture.Keywords: Religion, Democracy, Islamic Party AbstrakStudi ini membahas tentang relasi agama dan demokrasi; telaah kritis eksistensi Partai-Partai Islam di Indonesia. Kajian ini merupakan studi kualitatif berbasis kepustakaan (library research). Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif yang bertujuan untuk memberi gambaran atau mendeskripsikan kenyataan yang ada atau apa yang terjadi atau kenyataan sebenarnya pada obyek yang diteliti. Kemudian diinterprestasikan dalam bentuk laporan. Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah pendekatan antropologi budaya. Hasil penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa kaum muslim memaknai bahwa relasi agama dan demokrasi terjadi dalam tiga model, yakni model negatif, netral, dan positif. Dalam konteks partai-partai politik Islam di Indonesia, problem mendasar adalah ketidakmampuan partai dalam mengemas isu-isu demokrasi, mulai dari muncul sentimen keagamaan, politisasi agama, pragmatisme politik pada partai PKS. Selanjutnya pada partai PPP terdapat masalah pada kaderisasi partai, dualisme kepemimpinan, dan sikap politik. Sedangkan pada partai PBB terlihat pada ketiadaan figur pemimpin  dan kultur politik.Kata Kunci: Agama, Demokrasi, Partai Islam


2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tatjana Đurović ◽  
Nadežda Silaški

This paper looks at how the marriage metaphor structures the discourse concerning the relationship between political parties in Serbia. In January 2007, in the first general election to be held in Serbia since its union with Montenegro was dissolved in 2006, no party succeeded in gaining an absolute majority. Eventually, after more than three months of coalition talks, the main pro-reform parties agreed to form a government: the conservative and moderately nationalist right-leaning Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), together with the pro-Western Democratic Party (DS). Compiling a small data collection from the leading Serbian dailies and political weeklies we have tried to track the metaphors through highly argumentative discourse in regard to the formation of political coalitions and their break-up. The main aim of this study is to show how the metaphors may be mapped and used as a vehicle of public discourse for achieving overt or covert political and ideological objectives on the complex political scene in contemporary Serbia. We will also argue that Serbian political discourse is highly gendered, as gender roles, manifested through the assignment of wife and husband roles to political parties, are clearly delineated according to the traditional male-female dichotomy, implying stereotypical traits and patriarchal values characteristic of Serbian culture.


2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 399-411
Author(s):  
Dubravka Stojanović

Abstract The author reflects on the year 1989 when she was a newly hired trainee historian at the Institute for the History of the Serbian Labor Movement in Belgrade. The topic she was assigned in the Institute was the relationship of the Serbian Social Democratic Party to the war goals of Serbia 1912–1918. As her reading and writing progressed, by 1991 what the Serbian social democrats wrote about the Balkan Wars of 1912/13 began approaching her own political views. However, their antiwar positions at the beginning of the twentieth century sounded like a real feat compared to the virtually monolithic support for the war of 1991. This is how the author’s first research left her with the bitter impression that history, the seeming magistra vitae, had really taught nobody anything given that Serbian society was falling into the same trap as some 70 years before.


Author(s):  
Kanokrat Lertchoosakul

Abstract The relationship of the bourgeoisie and democratisation has been inconsistent across the history of democracy. This work offers an alternative explanation taking the example of the Thai middle class, which had promoted democracy, turned against it. From the democratic transition of 1973 until the present day, the Thai middle class has played contradictory roles in the democratisation of the country. This work investigates the effects of democratic institution-building after regime change and the efforts to consolidate democracy in the middle class. This work proposes two major observations. The first is the failure of the middle class to establish themselves in democratic institutions and processes in either the legislature/executive, political parties, local government or structured interest groups. They have learned of the uncertainty of free elections and how the elected executives have benefitted other classes but not them. The second regards the missing prerequisite of democracy. Insufficient understanding of majority rules and two-turnover elections, caused the middle class who were disappointed with the outcome of democratic regimes and systems to easily turn away from democracy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nani Sufiani Suhanda ◽  
Amri Jahi ◽  
Basita G Sugihen ◽  
Djoko Susanto

<p><em>A research to investigate </em><em>the relationship of the agricultural extension agent (AEA) motivator-hygiene factors and their job performances at different agriculture extension institution in west java was conducted in August through Desember 2007.  The objectives of this study were:1) to identify their job performance and 2) to determine </em><em>the relationship of the agent motivator-hygiene factors and their job performances in west Java Province.  A total of 260 AEA from 17 districts in West Java were selected by a stratified randomized sampling technique with proportional allocation as a sample of the study. Descriptive statistics were used to determine the agents’ description  on their motivator-hygiene factors,  whereas the Kendall coefficient of concordance W  was used to analyze  the relationship of AEA performance and their motivator-hygiene factors. The results shown that some substantial works need to be done in order to improve the agents’ performances due to low hygiene factors and insufficient of motivating factors.  Furthermore, the Kendall coefficient of concordance W obtained mostly high and highly significant. It could be concluded that AEA performed best in respectively involving informal leaders, farmer group development, extension work plan, using extension method, program planning; and performed well in evaluation and reporting subject matters development, farmer self reliance development, office maintenance and administrative, rural economic development and need assessment.  Finally, Agriculture extension agent performed unsatisfactorily in evaluation and reporting, networking and professional development. </em></p><p> </p><em></em>


2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Masykuri Abdillah

Abstract: The Relationship of Religion and State within the Context of Political Modernisation in the Reform Era. Political modernization in Indonesia to some extent has brought about political secularization. Yet, in the Pancasila state, the process will not lead to a secular state. The relationship between religion and the state is an intersectional relationship, neither fully integrated nor completely separate. In the reform era, democratic political modernization has implications on the emergence of new political parties, including Islamic parties. On the other hand, the freedom of expression in certain cases has led to disputes and conflicts that can disrupt social harmony and national integration. In this context, religion can provide a positive contribution as an integrative factor that values social diversity, and not as a disintegrative factor that supports social exclusivism.Keywords: political modernization, secularization, religion and public policy, religion, religion and political participation, religion and national integrationAbstrak: Hubungan Agama dan Negara dalam Konteks Modernisasi Politik di Era Reformasi. Modernisasi politik di Indonesia dalam tingkat tertentu telah menimbulkan sekularisasi politik. Namun, di negara yang berideologi Pancasila ini, proses itu tidak akan mengarah kepada negara sekuler. Hubungan antara agama dan negara adalah hubungan persinggungan, tidak sepenuhnya terintegrasi dan tidak pula sepenuhnya terpisah. Di era reformasi ini, modernisasi politik yang demokratis beri mplikasi kepada munculnya partai-partai politik baru, termasuk partai-partai Islam. Di sisi lain, ekspresi kebebas an dalam kasus-kasus tertentu telah menimbulkan perselisihan dan konflik yang bisa mengganggu harmoni sosial dan integrasi bangsa. Dalam konteks inilah agama dapat memberikan kontribusi yang positif sebagai faktor integratif yang menghargai kem ajemukan masyarakat dan bukan sebagai faktor disintegratif yang mendukung eksklusifisme dalam masyarakat.Kata Kunci: modernisasi politik, sekularisasi, agama dan kebijakan publik, agama dan partisipasi politik, agama dan integrasi nasionalDOI: 10.15408/ajis.v13i2.937


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 485-504
Author(s):  
James Muldoon ◽  
Danny Rye

This article contributes to scholarship on the relationship between political parties and social movements by proposing the concept of ‘party-driven movements’ to understand the formation of a new hybrid model within existing political parties in majoritarian systems. In our two case studies – Momentum’s relationship with the UK Labour Party and the Bernie Sanders-inspired ‘Our Revolution’ with the US Democratic Party – we highlight the conditions under which they emerge and their key characteristics. We analyse how party-driven movements express an ambivalence in terms of strategy (working inside and outside the party), political aims (aiming to transform the party and society) and organisation (in the desire to maintain autonomy while participating within party structures). Our analysis suggests that such party-driven movements provide a potential answer to political parties’ alienation from civil society and may thus be a more enduring feature of Anglo-American majoritarian party systems than the current literature suggests.


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