scholarly journals 2012 U.S. Presidential Election and Challenges for the Republican Party

2013 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-38
Author(s):  
이재묵
2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Farhan Ahmed ◽  
Salman Bahoo ◽  
Sohail Aslam ◽  
Muhammad Asif Qureshi

This paper aims to analyze the efficient stock market hypothesis as responsive to American Presidential Election, 2016. The meta-analysis has been done combining content analysis and event study methodology. The all major newspapers, news channels, public polls, literature and five important indices as Dow Jones Industrial Average (DJIA), NASDAQ Stock Market Composit Indexe (NASDAQ-COMP), Standard & Poor's 500 Index (SPX-500), New York Stock Exchange Composite Index (NYSE-COMP) and Other U.S Indexes-Russell 2000 (RUT-2000) are critically examined and empirically analyzed. The findings from content analysis reflect that stunned winning of Mr Trump from Republican Party worked as shock for American stock market. From event study, findings confirmed that all the major indices reflected a decline on winning of Trump and losing of Ms. Clinton from Democratic. The results are supported empirically and practically through the political event like BREXIT that resulted in shock to Global stock index and loss of $2 Trillion.


Author(s):  
Julian E. Zelizer

This chapter examines how domestic politics shaped the foreign policy of détente during the 1970s. It first considers Richard Nixon's pursuit of détente as part of his national security agenda and the role played by Henry Kissinger both under Nixon and Gerald Ford. It then explains how the national security centrism of Nixon and Ford failed to create a stable political majority within the Republican Party and shows how both presidents collided with two factions in the burgeoning conservative movement: neoconservatives from the Democratic Party and hawkish Republicans. It also discusses the 1976 Republican presidential primaries that dealt the final blow to détente within the GOP and suggests that Ronald Reagan's victory in the 1980 presidential election led Republicans to adopt a more militaristic outlook toward international affairs.


1995 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harvey C. Mansfield

THE AMERICAN ELECTION OF 1994, A SMASHING NATIONAL victory for the Republican Party, was both unusual and momentous. It produced a result of startling clarity, which is unusual in the American constitutional scheme, especially for a non-presidential election; and it promises enduring dominance for the Republicans, which is momentous. The change that President Bill Clinton said he would bring in 1992, and did not bring, has been imposed on him.Not since 1946, when Harry Truman was presented with a Republican Congress, has an incumbent president been treated so roughly by the voters. But Truman lived in the era of New Deal dominance and was able to recover and be re-elected in 1948. The better analogy for the 1994 election, unfortunately for the Democrats, is probably 1930, when Herbert Hoover was repudiated by the voters and a new Democratic Congress become the prelude to the New Deal dominance that began in 1932 and now seems to have come to an end.


2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 190-220
Author(s):  
Brynn Shiovitz

It is 7 November 1904, 7:55 p.m. New York City theatregoers anxiously await the opening of George M. Cohan's newest production, Little Johnny Jones. The house is just about filled, but the well-dressed ushers hustle a few stragglers to their seats. Some of the theatre's usual patrons have been held up late at work, while others are too consumed by Clifford Berryman's political cartoons in the Washington Star to attend the performance. This particular Monday evening marks an important moment for America: polls for the thirtieth presidential election will be opening in fewer than twelve hours. Theodore Roosevelt represents the Republican Party, and Alton B. Parker heads the Democratic ticket. Although results will not be known for sure until the close of the 8 November election, Roosevelt's recent success in office upon the assassination of William McKinley gives him a political boost. New York City's predominantly Republican values leave little doubt about which name a majority of tonight's audience will be checking off on the ballot come morning; Roosevelt has carried every region but the South in his campaigning efforts thus far. Nonetheless, Broadway occasionally attracts a few guests from the slightly less liberal states of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and this evening's house is no different; the Liberty Theatre is filled with men of opposing political views. A nervous excitement fills the room; a combination of political gossip, predictions about how Cohan's first Broadway musical will compare to his earlier comedic works and vaudeville skits, and occasional gasps and awestruck sighs from spectators who are seeing the inside of the Liberty Theatre for the first time since its very recent grand opening at 234 West 42nd Street. The twenty-thousand-square-foot theatre, with its dramatic stage, extensive balconies, and striking cathedrallike ceilings is the perfect home for the unfolding of Broadway, a theatrical form and style that America will come to call its own. As the house lights dim and the violins hum a piercing A note, other members of the orchestra slowly begin tuning their individual instruments. As the oboists finish adjusting their pitch, the conductor taps his music stand: musicians tilt their gaze to the front of the pit, audience members sink into the velvet of their plush seats and begin to quiet their chatter. Blackout.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 150
Author(s):  
Chunxi Zhu

Critical Metaphor Analysis (CMA) helps to define the relationship between metaphor, power, ideology and cognition by recognizing conceptual metaphors in text or discourse. This thesis built a metaphor-centered analytical framework which connects discourse, cognition and ideology to investigate metaphors in Trump’s discourses in the 2020 Presidential Election Debates, which shed light upon cognitive structure and ideology behind his discourse. To win more votes, Trump managed to magnify Republican Party’s contribution while masking its defects, exaggerate the disadvantages of the Democratic Party while concealing its merits. Meanwhile, he declared himself one who represents the interests of ordinary people and to fight for their interests. Besides, his “patriotism” and “exclusiveness” also reflected populism characteristics.


Author(s):  
Seth Bartee

This chapter discusses the life and work of Paul Gottfried, who is known as the founder of Paleoconservatism, a reformulation of the Right that advocated aspects of the conservatism of Edmund Burke, southern agrarian writers, and the National Review as it was before neoconservatism. His criticism of neoconservatives focused on their belief in the universal imperative of categories and ideas that led them to therefore disparage any kind of historicism. Gottfried maintained both Platonic and biblical categories in his conceptions of truth, beauty, justice, and revelation. He became the foremost critic of the Republican Party and neoconservatism. From 1999 until 2005 he expanded his criticisms of political ideology in the US and Europe. Since 2008 Gottfried has adopted the label of right-wing pluralist and allows most conservative dissidents into his organization, the H. L. Mencken Club, which became associated with the Alt Right during the 2016 presidential election.


Author(s):  
Michelle M. Nickerson

This book tells the story of 1950s Southern Californian housewives who shaped the grassroots right in the two decades following World War II. The book describes how red-hunting homemakers mobilized activist networks, institutions, and political consciousness in local education battles, and it introduces a generation of women who developed political styles and practices around their domestic routines. From the conservative movement's origins in the early fifties through the presidential election of 1964, the book documents how women shaped conservatism from the bottom up, out of the fabric of their daily lives and into the agenda of the Republican Party. A unique history of the American conservative movement, this book shows how housewives got out of the house and discovered their political capital.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (03) ◽  
pp. 359-378 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth N. Simas ◽  
Marcia Bumgardner

The 2012 contest between Barack Obama and Mitt Romney included fierce dialogue about women and issues typically connected to them. The inflammatory comments that conservative radio-show host Rush Limbaugh made about female law student Sandra Fluke and the Affordable Health Care Act's (ACA) requirements that all workplaces cover contraceptives were central topics in the news. The controversy literally followed Romney in the form of “Pillamina,” a human-sized costume designed to look like a pack of birth control pills that shadowed the candidate's summer swing state tour. While “Pillamina” was the work of Planned Parenthood's Action Fund, the Obama campaign also took aim at Romney on this issue, running a television commercial featuring “Dawn and Alex,” two women talking about how out of touch Romney is with women's health issues. The Romney campaign's attempts to counter these attacks and shift the focus of conversation were largely thwarted, as questionable comments from Republican Senate candidates Todd Akin and Richard Mourdock brought the issue of abortion to the forefront. Both of these statements added fuel to the narrative that Republicans are out of touch with women's needs. And Romney himself contributed to the problem, as his notorious “binders full of women” debate response broadened the scope of the issue from reproductive rights to more general issues about gender equality. Altogether, these Republican comments and positions opened the door for Democrats on the campaign trail to attack the party, and a popular conclusion is that this “War on Women” narrative hurt the Republican Party and played an integral part in Obama's victory.


2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (04) ◽  
pp. 691-695 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan I. Abramowitz

At first glance, the outcome of the 2008 presidential election would appear to be very difficult to predict. For the first time in over 50 years, there will be no incumbent president or vice president in the race. Instead, the Republican Party, which has seen its popularity and electoral fortunes plummet since 2004, is pinning its hopes of retaining control of the White House on Arizona Senator John McCain—an individual who has frequently clashed with his own party's leadership. And McCain's Democratic opponent will be Illinois Senator Barack Obama, the first African American ever to receive a major-party presidential nomination.


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