Problems of Integration of Karachay into Russia: the August Uprising of 1855

Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (10 (108)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Rustam Begeulov

The article discusses issues related to the problem of the occurrence of the peoples of the Northwest Caucasus in the Russian state in the 19th century. In the centre of this study — the Karachay Principality and its military-political cooperation with Russia, the theocratic state formations of the Caucasus Islamists and the Ottoman Empire primarily in the 1850s. The focus of this article is paid to the causes and consequences of anti-Russian uprisings in Karachay in August 1855. Examines religious (thestrengthening of Islam in the Karachay society and its potential for integration in relations between highlanders) and ethnic (attempts at building different ethnic groups of the joint political and military strategy) aspects of the incident; analyzes the destabilizing role of foreign factors in the events. The paper examines the policy of Shamil's Naib to the Kuban Muhammad-Amin against the Karachay, highlights the reasons for his persistent attempts to involve people in Karachay on its side and include it in the composition of its public education. The authors dwell in detail on the description of attempts of military-political rapprochement Muhammad-Amin with the Karachai people, their political, economic, ideological contacts in the period preceding military conflicts, anti-Russian rhetoric in 1855. The article notes that the revolt in Karachay in 1855 were not of a local character, and was closely connected with religious-political movements in North Caucasus in the period under review and attempt the practice established in the end of eighteenth century ideas on the creation of a single theocratic state in the region.

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Galina Yemelianova

Following the break-up of the USSR in 1991 the Muslim peoples of the Caucasus – corresponding to present-day Azerbaijan and the Russian North Caucasus – have been in a continuous process of renegotiating their Islamic identity and the role of Islam in the processes of nation-building. This has involved a complex set of factors, including the correlation between the rise of Islam and socio-economic well-being (or the lack of it), the level and longevity of Islamic heritage, the relationship between Islam and the nature of the ruling post-Soviet Caucasian regimes, and the degree of susceptibility to the region’s exposure to foreign influences, Islamic and Western. This article examines some of these factors from an historical perspective, concentrating on how the political elites and the populace variously dealt with essentially external influences in the course of their centuries-long incorporation within successive political empires. From the seventh century AD these were Islamic, emanating from the Umayyad, Abbasid, Timurid, Ottoman and Safavid empires; and from the nineteenth century, Russian Orthodox and Soviet atheist. An analysis of the dynamics set up by these influences and the distinctively Caucasian Muslim responses to them is crucial in understanding how current elites and their antagonists in the region embrace, reject and otherwise instrumentalise Islam.


Author(s):  
Andrei N. Komarov ◽  

The article reveals an evolution of political ideologies in Canada in 1993–2019. Following the Russian and foreign historiography, as well as the election programs of Conservatives and Liberals, the author analyzes the influence of political ideologies on the voting of Canadian voters in parliamentary elections in the late 20th – early 21st centuries. The author of the article comes to the conclusion that Canada is still a country committed to political ideologies. He also considers as unacceptable the thesis about an absence of ideologies in Canada within the existing post-industrial society. The author believes that the model for political development of Canada, laid down in the second half of the 19th century by the founders of the state, is still effective at the present time. In a post-industrial society, Canada clearly follows national traditions based on previously developed political ideologies. That is what constitutes the foundation for the rule-of-law state and civil society in Canada. The author emphasizes that, despite the activities of other political movements, conservative and liberal ideologies represent the leading directions of the state development in Canada. Other political ideologies, like social democracy, are largely secondary and do not determine the present and future of the Canadian state.


Author(s):  
Anvar Ajratovich Gafarov ◽  
Mariam Arslanovna Galeeva

Starting from the middle of the 16-th century, during the foreign policy expansion increase, the ethno-confessional diversity of the Russian state was steadily increasing. The imperial policy aimed at assimilating non-Russian peoples sharply raised the issue of their identity preservation. For domestic Muslims, an important factor in cultural and confessional identity provision was the preservation and development of their traditional ties with the Islamic world. Various political, economic, cultural, and other contacts maintained with the countries of the Muslim East have become the basis for the stability of the Muslim community in Russia under imperial pressure. In this system, a special role was originally played by the Hajj (Muslim pilgrimage to the holy places in the Hejaz), which the official administration had to reckon with. The aim of the proposed study is to identify socio-political aspects, socio-political conditions, and the specifics of the Hajj implementation in the 19th century. After the analysis of office documentation, travel notes of Muslim pilgrims, and expert assessments of orientalists, the authors concluded that, despite the increasing opposition from the authorities, the significance of the Hajj intensifies in the 19th century. Hajj became not only the factor of opposition to imperial acculturation, but also a channel for presentation the ideas of renewal.


Author(s):  
Erik Swyngedouw

In the corpus of Marxist thought as well as in mainstream socialist strategies and politics, the theoretical and politically strategic position and role of space, nature, and the urbanization process in the expanded production and reproduction of capitalism, and in the transformation to socialism, remains—with a few notable exceptions—largely marginal and residual. Nonetheless, cities are hotbeds of anti-capitalist struggles and socio-ecological conflict, offer experimental spaces for emancipatory socio-ecological transformation and action, and remain pivotal for the organization and management of the creative destruction that animates a continuously revolutionizing capital circulation process. This chapter explores how emancipatory-egalitarian political movements, in conjunction with urban political-economic and political-ecological transformation, demonstrate the vital role of space, urbanization, and socio-ecological processes both in sustaining the expanded reproduction of capitalism and in choreographing the dynamics and configuration of class struggle.


Author(s):  
Goodarz Rashtiani

The main objective of the present chapter is to analyze the structure and features governing the relations between Iran and Russia in different political, economic, and social spheres in the period from the fall of Isfahan (1722) to the rise of the Qajar dynasty (1796) and to study the reasons for the difference in these relations compared to previous periods and Russia’s actions in Iran’s territory (the Caspian Sea and the Caucasus) with an emphasis on the developments in both countries, the role of ethnic minorities and local khanates, and the effect of regional and international conditions on the relations between the two countries.


Author(s):  
O. Machai

Mongol forces have appeared in the Caucasus since 1220. The desire of the empire was to create world domination. That`s why was necessary to have a powerful army, which included the conquered peoples, among whom were Georgians. Georgian queen and mtavars resisted the conquerors since the establishment of Mongol rule in the Caucasus. However, due to the lack of competent rulers and strong centralized power, the mtavars later recognized the power of the Mongol commanders and sided with the conqueror. As a result, Georgian Queen Rusudan also recognized the authority of the Mongols. Every ruler who recognized the power of the khan had to bear military duty - haraj, and pay tribute, among which were taxes on military needs. The article examines various military campaigns in which Georgians participated on the side of the Mongols: the battle against the Romanian sultan in 1243, the capture of Baghdad in 1258, the campaign in Egypt in 1260, the fight against the expansion of the Golden Horde in the early 60s of the thirteenth century. The paper reveals the peculiarity of the Mongolian taxes paid by Georgians - kalan, ulup, the technique of the Mongol battle - hashar, yabagan. Based on the source and historiographical database, an analysis of the attitude of Georgians to participate in the Mongolian military campaigns is conducted. In particular, the article covers cases when the Mongols suspected Georgians of treason, focusing on the anti-Mongol uprising of King David Ulu. The causes and consequences of the uprisings are explained on the basis of testimonies of Georgian and Armenian chronicles. Separately, the article reveals the participation of Georgians in the fight against the troops of the Golden Horde, which sought to capture the North Caucasus. Thanks to the participation of Georgians in battles and the construction of fortifications, the Hulaguids were able to protect the region from the invasions of the Juchids.


Author(s):  
Olga Brusina

The article is devoted to the role of Islam in culture and social life of the Turkmen of southern Russia. The study is based on the author's field materials collected in 2007–2015 in the Stavropol and Astrakhan Regions. The ethnic group of the Russian Turkmen was formed in the XVII–XIX centuries and currently counts about 17,000 people. The Turkmen are Sunni Muslims, most of their customs and rituals are associated with Muslim prayers and symbolism. At the same time, the Turkmen are not among the zealous Muslims, in their spiritual culture there are folk customs and beliefs that are very superficially associated with Islam. In the Soviet period, the Russian Turkmen maintained their religion, secretly carried out Islamic rites and rules, despite the anti-religious state policy. Currently, the religiousness of the Turkmen varies greatly, but almost all families hold major religious ceremonies. Mosques play the role of community centers, social life in the Turkmen settlements is closely intertwined with religious life, and the mullahs are local leaders and take part in self-government bodies. Propaganda of fundamentalist Islam has not bypassed the Turkmen, as many regions of the North Caucasus. A peculiar situation has developed: young people have become involved in religion much more than old honored people, educated in the Soviet ideals. Residents of the Turkmen settlements and imams of mosques are trying to resist the spread of fundamentalist ideas. The situation is particularly difficult in the Stavropol Territory; so the regional administration is trying to control any cultural and religious activities on the ground, sometimes suspecting “Wahhabi sentiments” among quite loyal citizens, such as the Turkmen. It is important that the Turkmen are almost the only people of this region who, traditionally practicing Islam, retain complete loyalty to the Russian population and the Russian state


Author(s):  
Manuel A. Gómez

Latin American lawyers have been usually acknowledged for their influence and involvement in the formation, organization, and functioning of the state. Since the political movements that led to the independence from the European colonial powers more than two centuries ago until today, lawyers have always been front and center in the life of every Latin American country. From their most obvious occupations as judges, advocates, and legislators, to several other less visible roles, legal professionals are both ubiquitous and important. The intensification of globalization in recent decades has inevitably affected the role of Latin American lawyers, thus compelling us to look beyond national borders. This chapter does precisely that. It examines the transnational dimension of Latin American lawyers by looking at the contributing factors that led to its development. The chapter describes some of the common traits of transnational lawyers in the region. This chapter also explores the rise of mass torts and consumer protection in Latin America, two of the most visible areas that showcase the transnationalization of legal practice. The time frame of this chapter is the last three decades, a period of important political, economic, and social developments across the region, and also for the legal professions globally. In a more general way, this chapter engages with the broader discussion about the transnationalization of law in contemporary society, and the transformation of the legal profession.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-4) ◽  
pp. 184-195
Author(s):  
Victoria Mashkovtseva

The article considers the legal status of children of old believers in the second quarter of the XIX century. Based on the analysis of the regulatory framework and unpublished sources from the funds of Russian state historical archive and the Central archive of the Kirov region is characterized by major limitations in the area of family law in effect at the time of the reign of Nicholas I. Special attention is paid to the system of punishments for committing illegal actions by old believers, as well as the role of the family in the confrontation between old believers on the one hand and representatives of the authorities and the Russian Orthodox Church on the other.


Author(s):  
Mariya Y Omelicheva ◽  
Lawrence P Markowitz

Abstract What are the conditions that obstruct the formation of a crime-terror nexus? To answer this question we carry out a quantitative and qualitative analysis of Russia's North Caucasus (2008–2016) where no durable crime-terror nexus materialized despite the presence of conditions conducive to the emergence of linkages between criminals and militants. We demonstrate how the sheer diversity and fluidity of violent actors, with some deeply immersed in the political, economic, and security institutions of the Russian state, fragmented the elements of a crime-terror nexus to such a degree that collaboration among them proved too difficult and costly. Our argument makes several contributions to analyses of the crime-terror nexus. First, our study illuminates the various actors within a purported nexus, demonstrating how cooperation between them may not be forthcoming. Second, our framework demonstrates how a multiplicity of the centers and agents of state power, both formal and informal, is intimately interwoven into the fragmented security landscape. Third, the diversity of the so-called terrorist and militant groups that are competing for power and resources call for rethinking and reconceptualization of what we call a “terrorist group” and the data that we use to study terrorist violence.


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