scholarly journals Discursive resignification in different contexts:

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-33
Author(s):  
Roberto Leiser Baronas ◽  
Julia Lourenço Costa ◽  
Tamires Cristina Bonani Conti

In this paper, at first, with some vagueness, we present the reflections of Marie-Anne Paveau (2019a, 2019b, 2020) on the issue of discursive resignification. Then, we tested this proposal on different data that Marie-Anne Paveau mobilized. It is a small set of texts that re-signify, on the one hand, the whitening of Machado de Assis and, on the other, some of Jair Bolsonaro's insulting speeches given to different social actors. Finally, based on the category of ludolinguist, proposed by Paveau (2008, 2018, 2020) and, based on a set of data, which make Jair Bolsonaro's disastrous performance in the face of the Amazon and Pantanal fires, as well as its ineffective performance in relation to the price control of some products, metonymically represented by the designations Bolsonero and Bolsocaro, we propose the category of humorous resignification. Based on the analysis, we understand that discursive resignification, especially humorous, can become an important tool to combat hate speech, which currently circulates in our society and which crystallize the most varied power relations.

2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 265-291
Author(s):  
Manuel A. Vasquez ◽  
Anna L. Peterson

In this article, we explore the debates surrounding the proposed canonization of Archbishop Oscar Romero, an outspoken defender of human rights and the poor during the civil war in El Salvador, who was assassinated in March 1980 by paramilitary death squads while saying Mass. More specifically, we examine the tension between, on the one hand, local and popular understandings of Romero’s life and legacy and, on the other hand, transnational and institutional interpretations. We argue that the reluctance of the Vatican to advance Romero’s canonization process has to do with the need to domesticate and “privatize” his image. This depoliticization of Romero’s work and teachings is a part of a larger agenda of neo-Romanization, an attempt by the Holy See to redeploy a post-colonial and transnational Catholic regime in the face of the crisis of modernity and the advent of postmodern relativism. This redeployment is based on the control of local religious expressions, particularly those that advocate for a more participatory church, which have proliferated with contemporary globalization


Trictrac ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petru Adrian Danciu

Starting from the cry of the seraphim in Isaiahʹ s prophecy, this article aims to follow the rhythm of the sacred harmony, transcending the symbols of the angelic world and of the divine names, to get to the face to face meeting between man and God, just as the seraphim, reflecting their existence, stand face to face. The finality of the sacred harmony is that, during the search for God inside the human being, He reveals Himself, which is the reason for the affirmation of “I Am that I Am.” Through its hypnotic cyclicality, the profane temporality has its own musicality. Its purpose is to incubate the unsuspected potencies of the beings “caught” in the material world. Due to the fact that it belongs to the aeonic time, the divine music will exceed in harmony the mechanical musicality of profane time, dilating and temporarily cancelling it. Isaiah is witness to such revelation offering access to the heavenly concert. He is witness to divine harmonies produced by two divine singers, whose musical history is presented in our article. The seraphim accompanied the chosen people after their exodus from Egypt. The cultic use of the trumpet is related to the characteristics and behaviour of the seraphim. The seraphic music does not belong to the Creator, but its lyrics speak about the presence of the Creator in two realities, a spiritual and a material one. Only the transcendence of the divine names that are sung/cried affirms a unique reality: God. The chant-cry is a divine invocation with a double aim. On the one hand, the angels and the people affirm God’s presence and call His name and, on the other, the Creator affirms His presence through the angels or in man, the one who is His image and His likeness. The divine music does not only create, it is also a means of communion, implementing the relation of man to God and, thus, God’s connection with man. It is a relation in which both filiation and paternity disappear inside the harmony of the mutual recognition produced by music, a reality much older than Adam’s language.


Imbizo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Naomi Epongse Nkealah ◽  
Olutoba Gboyega Oluwasuji

Ideas of nationalisms as masculine projects dominate literary texts by African male writers. The texts mirror the ways in which gender differentiation sanctions nationalist discourses and in turn how nationalist discourses reinforce gender hierarchies. This article draws on theoretical insights from the work of Anne McClintock and Elleke Boehmer to analyse two plays: Zintgraff and the Battle of Mankon by Bole Butake and Gilbert Doho and Hard Choice by Sunnie Ododo. The article argues that women are represented in these two plays as having an ambiguous relationship to nationalism. On the one hand, women are seen actively changing the face of politics in their societies, but on the other hand, the means by which they do so reduces them to stereotypes of their gender.


2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 41-57
Author(s):  
Marek Menkiszak

In the face of a new serious crisis in Europe caused by the coronavirus pandemic, Russia has taken an ambiguous position. On the one hand, it was spreading fake news and, on the other hand, it was providing Italy with symbolic support. Russia’s immediate goal was to persuade the European Union (EU) to reduce or lift sanctions. The new situation provides a new argument to those participants of the European debate who are in favour of normalisation and even reset of relations with Russia. Among them, the voice of France is particularly clear since its President Emanuel Macron has taken up the initiative to build the ‘architecture of trust and security’ with Russia. These proposals, which are now quite vague, are based on questionable  assumptions and deepen divisions in Europe and the crisis in transatlantic relations. By rising Moscow’s hopes for some form of (geo)political bargain, they in fact encourage Russia to continue its aggressive policy towards its European neighbours. An alternative approach based on several principles is needed in the debate on EU policy towards Russia: developing all five Mogherini’s points; maintaining sanctions against Russia until the reasons for their introduction cease to exist; symmetry of commitments and benefits related to limited cooperation with Russia; inviolability of key interests, security and sovereignty of EU and NATO member and partner states; and balancing the dialogue with the Russian authorities by supporting Russian civil society. Europe can survive without Russia but Russia cannot survive without Europe, which is why European policy needs consistency and strategic patience.


2020 ◽  
Vol 75 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-257
Author(s):  
Christian Smigiel

Abstract. This article deals with one of the most controversial topics in urban studies related to mobile capital and mobile people. At first glance this seems to be contradictory since numbers of short-term rentals have decreased dramatically due to the coronavirus (SARS-CoV-2) pandemic. However, this paper is not about numbers and statistics. Instead it discusses structural issues regarding governance and power relations which remain important topics (especially) in times of crisis. It provides insights regarding the following issues: firstly, it deconstructs different “myths” that still surround short-term rentals and Airbnb and secondly, it delineates the structural power of Airbnb as a new urban institution. This helps us to understand some of the conflicts over Airbnb and the pitfalls with current forms of regulation on the one side as well as showing the complexity and agency of short-term rentals on the other.


2020 ◽  
pp. 12-20
Author(s):  
Javier Lapa-Guzmán ◽  
Juan Carlos Baltazar-Escalona ◽  
Eduardo Rosas-Rojas

The Mexican economy has a fragile and inefficient financing structure for the productive sector; which acquires great relevance in the face of the imminent economic recession that will follow the most critical period of the Covid-19 pandemic. In this paper, the evolution of the different financing channels is analyzed, in order to know, on the one hand, the composition of the financing of companies; and on the other hand, identify the type of company that presents the highest degree of vulnerability and that, therefore, the government should prioritize. For this, a statistical analysis is carried out both of the composition of the financing of the companies; as well as the characteristics of these companies and their relevance in the economic dynamics of the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 270-288
Author(s):  
César Domínguez

Abstract This article discusses why it is necessary to rebuild comparative literature in terms of a geopolitics of comparison. “Geopolitics” is understood here, following Gearóid Ó Tuathail, to mean a distinctive genre of geo-power which brought about the systemic closure of the surface of the globe. Comparative literature has been part and parcel of this process by extending a Eurocentric concept of “(national) literature” worldwide. A rebuilt comparative literature has, on the one hand, to bring to light significant evidence of the discipline’s history within the historical and geographical context of power relations and, on the other hand, confront the coloniality of knowledge on three levels—locutionary, illocutionary, and perlocutionary. Here only the locutionary level is addressed by examining two journals—Comparative Literature and 1616: Anuario de la Sociedad Española de Literatura General y Comparada / Anuario de Literatura Comparada—from a bibliometric-analysis perspective.


Res Publica ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-24
Author(s):  
William Fraeys

Organized only two years after the previous genera! elections, the 1987 poll, characterized by a great stability of the electorale, wilt probably have a deep political impact on the country's future.If the rate of external mobility suitably gauges the extent of the citizens' shifts in votes, the 1987 elections will have ranged among the four most stable general elections out of the twenty-two that have taken place since universal suffrage has been introduced. And yet, because of the decline of the outgoing coalition, on the one hand, which is mainly due to the loss suffered by the CVP, and because of the change of majority within the Walloon Regional Council and the French-speaking Community Council, on the other, the political situation appears very different after the 13th December 1987 elections. The observer can only be struck by the asymmetrical behaviour of the voters in the northern and southern parts of the country. In Flanders, the main party is on the decline white all other parties are winning votes.However, everything seems to show that the motivation of the voters who did not vote twice for the same party in 1985 and 1987, but who, as we said, are not very numerous, was an economic and social motivationrather than a language or community-related one. The gains of Agalev, the PVV and the SP in the face of the Volksunie's status quo cannot be explained otherwise. The gains of the Vlaams Blok, notably in Antwerp, are probably due to social (attitude towards immigrants) rather than community-linked motivations too. In the W alloon Region, on the contrary, the main party is registering an obvious gain, white the other parties are declining or stagnating. In this case, the motivations seem to be numerous : they have a social and economic background on the part of voters who trusted the main opposition party, but they are also community linked and inspired by considerations that have to do with the relationships between the Walloon and Flemish people in the Belgian State under transformation.The political prospects then appear uncertain. This is even more true that two other elections are to take place in the next eighteen months.These concern the opposite levels of the elected Assemblies: the municipal Council and the European Parliament.


Author(s):  
James Costa Wilson

This chapter proposes a critical analysis of the types of discourse articulated by children involved in language revitalization programmes in two Western European contexts: Provence (south-eastern France) and southern Scotland. It focuses on how the minority language (Occitan and Scots) is described and what this means for how children categorize the language and speech communities within which they are being socialized. Of all the social actors involved in language revitalization programmes, and despite the central part they play, children are the only ones whose opinion on participation is never required. Children occupy a very ambiguous place in language revitalization movements. On the one hand, they are perceived as the embodiment of the future of the language, while, on the other hand, they are often accused of not speaking the language properly or of mixing minority and dominant languages. This seems to be a fairly widespread pattern in Europe, where ‘neo-speakers’ are generally viewed with mistrust.


2020 ◽  
pp. 161-182
Author(s):  
Pallavi Raghavan

In this chapter, I chart out how partition shifted the terms of trade between two points now divided by the boundary line. While, on the one hand, both governments made lofty declarations of carrying out trade with one another as independent nation states—taxable, and liable to regulations by both states—on the other, they were also forced to come to a series of arrangements to accommodate commercial transactions to continue in the way that they had always existed before the making of the boundary. In many instances, in fact, it was actually impossible to physically stop the process of commercial transactions between both sides of the border, and the boundary line. Therefore, the question this chapter is concerned with is the extent to which both governments’ positions were amenable to the necessities of contingency, demand, and genuine emergency, in the face of a great deal of rhetoric about how the Indian and Pakistani economies had to be bolstered on their own merits.


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